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Greg Stoker joins José Niño to examine the decline of American military power. They covered Afghanistan, special-operations culture, the shrinking munitions base, Ukraine, Iran, Yemen, Latin America, and why the era of uncontested U.S. hegemony is coming to an end.

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In this livestream, we examine the possible U.S. drawdown from Europe, the Okinawa base controversy, New York City’s antisemitism plan, Yemen’s regional escalation, and Marco Rubio’s distorted vision of Western civilization.

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In September 2026, Ansar Allah, derisively labeled as the Houthis in Western foreign policy circles, redrew the map of western Yemen in a matter of days. Its fighters swept down the Red Sea coast, seized Mocha on September 10, then pushed through Dhubab and took Mayyun Island at the heart of the Bab el-Mandeb strait the following day, consolidating control over Yemen’s entire Red Sea coastline and roughly 5,400 square kilometers of newly gained territory. Yemen’s Saudi-backed government answered on October 4 when Presidential Leadership Council head Rashad al-Alimi announced Operation Dawn of Yemen, vowing to keep fighting until the country was “liberated from the grip of the terrorist militia,” with 100 Saudi coalition fighter jets providing air cover and Ansar Allah firing missiles at targets inside the kingdom in response.

Washington reached for a familiar script. Secretary of State Marco Rubio branded Ansarh an Iranian proxy, and Tehran fired back on September 9. Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei wrote on X, “Marco Rubio’s lies cannot replace facts. Ansarallah is an independent Yemeni actor that makes its own decisions; it takes orders from no one and acts as nobody’s proxy.”

On the question of Ansar Allah’s relationship to Iran, the record sides with those who emphasize the movement’s homegrown roots. In the 1980s, Zaydi religious networks in the northern province of Saada organized study groups and summer camps to resist the Wahhabi and Salafi outreach that Saudi money spread across the region. Around 1992, those networks crystallized as the Believing Youth, an educational and social revival movement dedicated to Zaydi theology and the preservation of a tradition stretching back a millennium. Saada’s poverty and its chronic neglect by Sanaa fueled the grievances that eventually became a military force.

Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi sharpened that network into a political cause after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. He accused President Ali Abdullah Saleh of running a corrupt government that neglected Saada, sidelined Zaydis, and surrendered Yemeni sovereignty to Saudi and American interests. His followers adopted a chant that read in full: “God is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse the Jews, Victory to Islam.” The chant named foreign powers, but its domestic meaning was clear: Yemeni authorities understood that a movement chanting “death to America” today could be chanting “death to the president” tomorrow. Palestine and the Second Intifada also featured prominently in Hussein’s sermons, which cast Israel as an occupying power and the United States as its enabler. The antisemitism in the Yemeni resistance’s messaging reflected a long-held hostility to Jewry’s machinations among the Yemeni population.

Saleh went to war against the movement in 2004, and his forces killed Hussein on September 10. Leadership passed to his younger brother Abdul-Malik al-Houthi. During the 2011 uprising the movement took the name Ansar Allah and pitched itself as a national force against corruption and inequality.

The episode that best exposes the proxy myth unfolded in September 2014. Iranian representatives reportedly urged Ansar Allah not to seize the capital, and Ansar Allah marched in anyway. HuffPost broke the story in April 2015, citing American officials familiar with the intelligence. One official told the outlet “It is wrong to think of the Houthis as a proxy force for Iran.” National Security Council spokeswoman Bernadette Meehan added: “It remains our assessment that Iran does not exert command and control over the Houthis in Yemen.” The Wilson Center also called attention to the aforementioned restraint Iran advocated for: “In 2014, Iran reportedly advised the Houthis against taking over Sanaa, but they pressed on.”

Thomas Juneau of the University of Ottawa built the academic foundation for this view. His 2016 study in International Affairs argued that “the Houthis are not Iranian proxies; Tehran’s influence in Yemen is marginal.” In a Washington Post op-ed that same year, he wrote: “It is simply inaccurate to claim that the Houthis are Iranian proxies.” Juneau has since acknowledged deeper cooperation, yet he told The Iran Primer: “The Houthis are fiercely nationalist, and do not take orders from Iran. Instead, they work together, closely, on the basis of their common interests.”

Helen Lackner, among the most respected Western scholars of Yemen, put it plainly on Democracy Now: “The Houthis are not Iranian proxies. They are not Iranian servants. They don’t do what the Iranians tell them to do. They make their own decisions.” She described how the alliance functions: “If their decisions and their policies coincide with those of Iran, then there’s no issue. But if they don’t, they don’t do it.”

Allison Minor challenged the proxy narrative directly in a Brookings essay: “Rigorous definitions of the term ‘proxy’ require that the sponsor has some means of controlling the proxy, as this is what differentiates a proxy from a partner/ally. In truth, the Houthis are not an Iranian proxy, even though they benefit from Iranian support.” Minor pointed to the unilateral ceasefire Ansar Allah declared with Saudi Arabia in 2019, even as Iran sought escalation, and stressed their possession of independent revenue, local arms production, and diverse supply lines as other indicators of autonomous production and decision-making.

Others well-versed in Yemeni affairs reached the same conclusion years earlier. Saudi journalist and filmmaker Safa al-Ahmad, who reported from inside Ansar Allah territory, told PBS Frontline that Iran’s ties to the group were “vastly overblown” and that “the Iranians can’t just pick up the phone and tell the Houthis what to do.”

Even the hawkish Institute for the Study of War agrees. Its September 18 update stated, “The Houthis are not an Iranian proxy, although their objectives often overlap with Iran’s strategic interests.” It added, “The Houthis are an independent partner of Iran and may resist potential Iranian pressure to halt their campaigns, however.”

None of this means Iran sits on the sidelines. The Associated Press reported in late September that officers of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps helped Ansar Allah with planning during the coastal offensive. Yet researcher Nicholas Brumfield told Al Jazeera that the campaign reportedly involved 76,000 Yemeni fighters, raised “using their own governance apparatuses,” and that mounting evidence points to Ansar Allah boasting a burgeoning domestic arms industry.

Ansar Allah ultimately behaves as a national liberation movement that shares many of Iran’s enemies and welcomes Iranian assistance, yet it charts its own course whenever its interests diverge. It does not need Tehran to steer it any more than any serious and credible resistance movement needs a foreign master. It grew from Yemeni grievances, and it will naturally seek allies such as Iran that oppose the same aggressive powers—Israel and the United States—that work tirelessly to destabilize West Asia. Movements like it already shake the foundations of the regional order. If the current momentum holds, Ansar Allah could reshape not only Yemen but also the Saudi provinces of Asir, Jizan and Najran, lands that many Yemenis still regard as their own and that Saudi Arabia locked down after the 1934 war between the two countries.

What started as a revolt against a corrupt president in a neglected mountain province has become a war that stretches from Taiz to Riyadh. With Ansar Allah astride the Bab el-Mandeb and Iran pressing on the Strait of Hormuz, two of the world’s most vital chokepoints now sit within reach of forces Washington cannot push back. If Asir, Jizan and Najran ever slip from Riyadh’s grip, historians will trace the new map back to Saada, not to Tehran.

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This article originally appeared on the September/October 2026 edition The Barnes Review.

They left for Havana dressed as university students, carrying forged passports, boarding separate flights so no one would notice the pattern. Their real destination was a tank battle on the Golan Heights. That is how Cuba went to war with Israel, and almost no one …

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Every Republican is an immigration hawk until the help stops showing up for work.

Sen. Jim Justice (R-WV) wants Immigration and Customs Enforcement to change its enforcement tactics in rural America. The West Virginia Republican declared that this is “a very difficult balancing act from the standpoint of our ranchers” because enforcement had left some employers understaffed. “Before you know it, you get people that get carried away in their job and whatever it may be, and all of a sudden, then you’re dragging people away that have lived on your street corner for 15 years, and I don’t know that we need to be doing that stuff,” Justice told Politico.

Several agricultural organizations have begun to push back against immigration enforcement policies since ICE changed tactics and began expanding its operations into rural areas. Keep in mind these are basic policies that millions of voters have supported for decades, policies that Washington has repeatedly ignored. In Kansas, Texas, and Oklahoma, the cattle industry has begun criticizing ICE raids, as have some local Republicans. “These ICE operations are having a massive chilling effect on the legal, documented, skilled workers that put beef on the table and keep the cattle supply chain moving,” the Kansas Livestock Association, Oklahoma Cattlemen’s Association and Texas Cattle Feeders Association said in a joint statement. Dairy industry representatives in Idaho have also voiced their concerns over losing cheap labor, according to Oregon Public Broadcasting.

This handwringing from agricultural lobbyists and vulnerable politicians reveals a deeper truth about Justice and his peers. Jim Justice’s support for basic immigration restriction measures is at its core majoring in the minors, or at least, supporting the most anodyne of reforms. It’s a way to score political points against Democrats, who also support the mass migration agenda albeit in a more accelerated form. But when it comes to supporting hard measures that actually roll back migration—ending chain migration, implementing E-Verify, establishing an immigration moratorium—Justice is nowhere to be found.

Before his recent statements about going soft on illegal aliens in rural areas, Justice maintained the standard Republican posture of supporting border security. On September 20, 2021, Justice was one of 26 Republican governors, led by Arizona’s Doug Ducey and Texas’s Greg Abbott, who signed a letter asking President Joe Biden for a meeting on “the national security crisis created by eight months of unenforced borders.” In 2023, he joined 24 other Republican governors in a letter telling Biden “the crisis at the southern border extends to every state,” calling the situation a “travesty” and saying “we’ve got to do something about this.”

He also noted that 54 volunteer West Virginia National Guard members had returned from a 30-day deployment to Texas’s Operation Lone Star, where they encountered 10,178 migrants trying to enter illegally. In January 2025, during his first weeks as a senator, he voted for the Laken Riley Act, posting that he was proud to cast his vote.

Yet, when push comes to shove, the immigration hawk rhetoric evaporates against the hard reality of balance sheets and cheap labor demands. This contradiction is entirely normal among the Republican political class, who talk about restricting immigration while their private business practices do the opposite. Donald Trump himself has a long history of utilizing immigrant labor while posturing as a hardliner.

In January 1980, Trump needed the Bonwit Teller building demolished fast so Trump Tower could rise, hiring a contractor whose crew of roughly 200 Polish laborers had no legal status. They worked 12 to 16 hour shifts without safety gear on an asbestos-filled site, earning as little as $4 an hour—less than half the union wage—and sometimes nothing at all when the contractor stopped paying. “We worked in horrid, terrible conditions,” one of them, Wojciech Kozak, told Newsweek. “We were frightened illegal immigrants and did not know enough about our rights.” Trump spent 15 years denying he knew, then paid $1.375 million in 1998 to settle the case before Judge Loretta Preska unsealed the terms in 2017.

The pattern repeated across Trump’s business empire. In August 2019, the Washington Post revealed that Mobile Payroll Construction LLC, a Trump-owned company, had spent nearly 2 decades moving a roving crew of Latin American laborers who built features at his winery and golf courses across his properties. Labor Department data reviewed by Forbes shows the Trump Organization has sought 2,033 foreign workers through H-2A and H-2B programs since 2008. Trump’s own businesses depended on this labor, and his rhetoric eventually caught up to that fact. On June 12, 2025, Trump posted on Truth Social that farmers and hotel operators say enforcement is taking “very good, long time workers” away, adding that “we must protect our farmers.”

Jim Justice is no different from Trump with respect to legal immigration. The Greenbrier Hotel Corporation has posted seasonal job orders on the Department of Labor’s SeasonalJobs.dol.gov portal, carrying H-2B temporary labor certification job orders for hospitality positions, including a seasonal host position at $11.22 an hour seeking 12 workers, and a seasonal server position at $16.54 an hour for the 2026 season. Licensed H-2B recruitment agencies such as JTP Agency list high-end resort and private club positions consistent with The Greenbrier’s ongoing seasonal hiring needs.

Justice’s approach to labor costs mirrors his approach to debts, which is to minimize them or dodge them entirely. A ProPublica and Mountain State Spotlight review published September 24, 2020, found hundreds of lawsuits going back more than 30 years—many from workers, vendors, and government agencies alleging non-payment—with the total in judgments and settlements exceeding $140 million. In early 2024, Carter Bank and Trust moved to collect roughly $300 million, leading the Justices to sue and call the bank “beyond belief terrible.”

Later in 2024, a $142 million JPMorgan loan on The Greenbrier was sold to Beltway Capital, which declared default and scheduled auctions before the debt was paid off. In March 2026, White Sulphur Springs Holdings bought Carter Bank’s Greenbrier debt and sued seeking a receiver, alleging the Justices diverted profits and let maintenance lapse, with claimed debt above $387 million. In August 2026, the family closed a joint venture with Kennedy Lewis Investment Management providing up to $500 million in financing, dismissing both lawsuits.

Judge Jim Justice by his payroll rather than his press releases, and the verdict is clear. He will deliver what Big Capital wants, mass migration and lax corporate rules, never the immigration restrictionist agenda populist voters nationwide demand.

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In this livestream, José Niño talks about the rising U.S. casualty toll in the Iran war, Trump’s rejection of an Iranian diplomatic proposal, the growing prospect of renewed bombing after the midterms, the Sarah Huckabee Sanders welfare-ad backlash, and Republican resistance to immigration enforcement.

Peter Hutter articles:

Pete Hutter

Notes on The Nuremberg System Part 4

As before, these are my notes, with minimal editing (including spelling and proofreading), and are not a complete representation of this or that chapter. Nor do I make many distinctions as to where Thomas’ thoughts end and mine begin…they’re my notes. If you see any glaring errors, please let me know so I can edit in corrections…

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14 days ago · 8 likes · 2 comments · Pete Hutter

Pete Hutter

Notes on The Nuremberg System Part 5

This one, like the last, is going to be a bit different. I am not looking to do essays on this book, but I think this, like Part 4, almost requires it. I skipped over Chapter 16 in the last post because I think it provides a good point to summarize the situation as it existed in Europe in the decade leading up to the war, and how it takes a rather sele…

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11 days ago · 3 likes · Pete Hutter

Rafael’s article:

Appeal to Reason

White Plurality Future

I hear chatter about how Non-Hispanic Whites will dip below 51% and become a minority. The reality is Non-Hispanic Whites will still be the largest demographic group and will maintain a plurality for a while. Here are the reasons why a Non-Hispanic White minority in the true sense might never come to be, and the only way for it to be possible…

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14 days ago · 5 likes · 2 comments · Rafael

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The news of Gloria Steinem’s death on September 2, 2026, at 92, invited the familiar ritual of American remembrance. Obituaries saluted the journalist who became the most recognizable public face of second-wave feminism. Yet a serious account of Steinem’s life must begin where tributes often hesitate. Before she confronted senators, presidents, and the editors who were initially hesitant about promoting Judeo-Leftist causes like second-wave feminism, she directed an organization that operated with covert CIA support.

The tension between that beginning and the radical branding later attached to her career forms the central mystery of her political life. Steinem’s early story carried none of the polish that would later make her an icon. She grew up in Toledo and Washington while caring for a mother who struggled with serious mental illness after her parents separated. At Smith College, where she graduated in 1956, she developed the analytical and writing skills that would define her journalism. She then spent 2 years in India as a Chester Bowles Asian Fellow, an experience that proved unexpectedly transformative. During her South Asian sojourn, she encountered Gandhian community organizing firsthand, absorbed the principle that social change can be brought about through direct local action, and carried that model of activism back to the feminist movement she would spend the next 6 decades building.

She returned to a United States at the height of the Cold War. From 1959 to 1962, Steinem directed the Independent Research Service, which sent American delegations to the World Youth Festivals in Vienna (1959) and Helsinki (1962) to counter Soviet influence at gatherings that attracted young people from across the world. When Ramparts magazine exposed the CIA’s broader funding of American civil-society organizations in early 1967, Steinem confirmed her own role publicly. The Washington Post reported on February 18, 1967—the original article is preserved in the CIA’s own FOIA Reading Room—that Steinem “acknowledged in an interview yesterday that she worked closely with the Central Intelligence Agency” to organize American participation in both festivals, and that “almost none of the people who went to Vienna or Helsinki with the Research Service knew that the CIA was helping to pay for their trip.” The Helsinki budget alone exceeded $100,000. Steinem was unapologetic, describing the CIA officials she worked with as “liberal, nonviolent and honorable” and saying she would work with them again.

Steinem defended the people she had encountered while working as the director of the Independent Research Service. “I found them liberal and farsighted and open to an exchange of ideas. I never felt I was being dictated to at all.” She also called the agency “the only one with enough guts and foresight to see that youth and student affairs were important.” The New York Times highlighted how Steinem had a flexible relationship with the CIA. “I was never asked to report on other Americans or assess foreign nationals I had met,” the Jewish feminist activist recounted.

The 1975 feminist MORE conference proved the most explosive public airing of the controversy. The Redstockings—a radical feminist collective—distributed a 16-page tabloid press release charging that Steinem had covered up a decade-long association with the CIA and that Ms. magazine was endangering the women’s liberation movement. When Redstockings attempted to include a chapter documenting Steinem’s CIA connections in their book Feminist Revolution, Steinem’s attorneys threatened Random House with a libel suit unless the chapter was removed. In time, Random House complied.

In that same year, the conservative writer John D. Lofton Jr. used this facet of Steinem’s early career as the crux of his Human Events column,“Ms. Steinem’s CIA Connection.” Lofton said Steinem had objected when he called her a former CIA collaborator, denied any relation, and threatened a lawsuit. He wrote that he first removed the reference, then revisited the record and concluded, “I am convinced that what I originally wrote was fair comment.” Lofton reported that Steinem acknowledged she had understood that CIA-linked foundations partly financed her organization, though at “extremely long distance and with no control.” He also reported her view that the money “seemed like a good use, better than buying planes and bombs.”

Whatever the CIA episode revealed, Steinem spent the rest of her life planting her flag on nearly every cause the left could name. Steinem helped build the National Women’s Political Caucus (co-founded in 1971 with Shirley Chisholm, Betty Friedan, Bella Abzug, and Fannie Lou Hamer), the Women’s Action Alliance, Ms., the Ms. Foundation for Women, Voters for Choice, Choice USA, and the Women’s Media Center—a network of interlocking institutions that embedded feminism in American political life rather than leaving it on the margins. She supported Shirley Chisholm’s 1972 presidential bid, testified for the Equal Rights Amendment, campaigned for abortion rights, opposed apartheid, and spoke at the 2017 Women’s March in Washington. On November 20, 2013, President Barack Obama presented her with the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor

A regime friendly activist through and through, Steinem moved easily among journalists, donors, Democratic politicians, nonprofit leaders, celebrities, and global women’s organizations. She raised her fist alongside Dorothy Pitman Hughes, worked for Angela Davis’s defense campaign, co-founded the Women’s Media Center with Jane Fonda and Robin Morgan, and backed Hillary Clinton in 2008 and 2016. On foreign policy, she opposed the Vietnam and Gulf wars while protesting apartheid South Africa and championing feminism during America’s nation-building experiment in Afghanistan.

Her record on Israel and Palestine has been a subject of controversy among principled advocates of Palestinian liberation. Steinem was born to a Jewish father and a Protestant mother, and she expressed that identity in conditional but pointed terms: “Never in my life have I identified myself as a Christian, but wherever there is antisemitism, I identify as a Jew.” In 1975 she signed a letter—spearheaded by Betty Friedan and co-signed by 60 prominent women including Bella Abzug, Nora Ephron, and Beverly Sills condemning the United Nations resolution equating Zionism with racism as “an implicit denial of Israeli statehood and incitement to worldwide antisemitism.”

As a liberal Zionist who criticized the excesses of the Jewish state but never called for its outright abolition, she later backed joint Israeli and Palestinian women’s advocacy, criticized Israeli settlements, and called Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu “a conversational bully” after dining with him in the 1980s, and extended that label to his treatment of elected women leaders decades later.

Palestinian scholar Nada Elia saw through Steinem’s more optics-focused Zionist advocacy. Writing after Steinem’s death, Elia acknowledged being “immensely grateful for every woman, including Steinem, who demanded that we have bodily control and legal abortion, as well as financial autonomy,” and praised individual essays like “If Men Could Menstruate.” But she reserved her sharpest language for the pattern she detected across Steinem’s career: when Steinem signed a statement in late 2023 denouncing alleged Hamas rapes of Israeli women on October 7, Elia noted she “never said anything about the meticulously detailed reports by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and B’Tselem, all documenting sexual torture by Israeli security forces of Palestinian men, women, and children.”

The contradiction, in Elia’s reading, exposed the limits of Steinem’s own stated principle: “To assert that human rights are indivisible, while defending Zionism, which dispossesses Palestinians, is to deny the very humanity of the Palestinian people.” For Elia, this was not a flaw to be contextualized but “the powerful ideology that calls for our eradication.”

Beneath the veneer of grassroots protest, Steinem served as a subversive Jewish agent of an imperial order hostile to Middle America. While she adopted anti-war stances to maintain countercultural authority among useful idiots on the Left, her true legacy was the dismantling of historic Christian family structures and the export of cultural degeneracy via early CIA backing. She stands as a seminal 20^th century operative who dismantled traditional order at home while coordinating with state organs to export that same kind of decay abroad.

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I joined Mark Collett to talk about the midterms, Jewish power, and the challenge of overturning the uniparty consensus.

Listen to the full episode below:
https://odysee.com/@MarkCollett:6/PWR384:6

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In this livestream, José Niño talks about the political backlash to the Iran war, Netanyahu’s UN speech amid Israel’s growing isolation, the AI-powered sports-betting industry, Mexico’s fertility crash, and Gallup’s finding that socialism is growing in popularity.

Rainer Chlodwig von K’s articles:

X-Ray Gaddafi Shades

Christina Hornisher’s Warning to Women

Finished in 1971 but not exhibited theatrically until 1974, writer-producer-director Christina Hornisher’s sole feature film, the remarkable Hollywood 90028, mostly languished in obscurity in the decades since its release until being rediscovered and reassessed in recent years. Despite being reissued under the lurid title…

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19 days ago · 3 likes · Rainer Chlodwig von K.

Peter Hutter’s articles:

Pete Hutter

Notes on The Nuremberg System Part 1

What I propose to do in this series is to share the notes I have taken during my second reading of Thomas Cyr's opus, The Nuremberg System. It is a dense read, and I thought these might help some of our guys. I hope others will do something similar, because we are all going to be picking up on different things; there is a ton of material to mine …

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24 days ago · 31 likes · 1 comment · Pete Hutter

Pete Hutter

Notes on The Nuremberg System Part 2

I only needed to reformat Part 2, so I decided to go ahead and get this part out tonight, too…

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24 days ago · 10 likes · 2 comments · Pete Hutter

Pete Hutter

Notes on The Nuremberg System Part 3

I have included some links, maps, and a book or two in this one. As before, these are just my hardly at all edited notes, little distinction is made for where Thomas’ thoughts end and mine begin, and it is absolutely no substitute for the book…

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19 days ago · 6 likes · Pete Hutter

Rafael’s poem:

Appeal to Reason

Beige

New York City isn’t multicultural; it is anti-cultural.An international city built on an oxymoron— geographically limited to one place & noplace.NYC’s meat grinder takes the innata of ὁμόαιμον, ὁμόγλωσσον, & ὁμότροπον; returns the Beige Man: man of no ἔθνος, only skin color; creed optional, materialism not…

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20 days ago · 1 like · Rafael

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Bo French opened the week of September 13 by treating a University of Texas celebration as proof that America had already been lost. The Republican nominee for the Texas Railroad Commission circulated an image of South Asians and wrote, “I heard UT graduation this year looked like this. I didn’t believe it. The problem is now obviously far worse than anyone imagined.” He followed that with a second post. “Like body-cams exposed criminals, social media is exposing how many Americans have been displaced by foreigners. It’s everywhere and far worse than any of us could imagine.”

As a UT Austin alumnus, French’s comments validated a statewide trend I observed from my childhood in an affluent North Dallas suburb all the way through my 2013 graduation from UT. Namely, the demographic transformation of the state, a shift that has only accelerated in the last decade or so.

The demographic shift at UT Austin has been quite stark. The Daily Texan, citing a New York Times analysis, reported that White enrollment at UT Austin fell from 87 percent in 1980 to 44 percent by 2015. Current figures compiled by Data USA put White students at about 31.5 percent, Hispanic or Latino students around 25.5 percent, and Asian students around 22.4 percent. International undergraduates made up about 4 percent in 2025 to 2026, The Texas Tribune noted.

The same pattern defines the state. Texas A&M sociologist Dudley L. Poston noted that Hispanic residents had become the largest group in Texas at 40.2 percent, compared with 39.4 percent for White residents who are not Hispanic. In 1990, those White Texans still made up 60.6 percent of the population, according to the Texas Politics Project. The Texas Demographic Center showed that minority populations accounted for 95.3 percent of nearly 4 million in growth between 2010 and 2020, while White residents who are not Hispanic contributed 4.7 percent. The Bush Center cites projections of a 2050 Texas in which Hispanics comprise 42.7 percent and White residents who are not Hispanic fall to 28.6 percent.

Indian Texans stand at the center of the image French posted. Pew Research Center estimates that roughly 570,000 Indian Americans now reside in Texas, the second largest state population after California. That growth followed the 1965 Immigration Act and the 1990 Immigration Act that created the modern H-1B system, which together enabled employers in Austin, Dallas and Houston to import large waves of cheap labor from South Asia. One caveat: this author and many other disaffected Texans may view these figures as substantially understating the actual scale of demographic change, given how overwhelmed many Texas suburbs have become by South Asian migration in the last two decades.

What French won’t tell you is that his party has presided over the state’s Great Replacement and has done virtually nothing to check it. Ballotpedia records 23 years of Republican trifectas in Texas from 2003 through 2025. After 2010, Republicans reached 101 of 150 House seats. The Railroad Commission position French is running for is a three-member body that regulates oil and gas rather than railroads. It does not write visa caps or pass immigration restriction measures.

He can evoke the played out Southern Strategy and race-bait to turn out the White vote as election day approaches. However, he cannot meaningfully restrict immigration from that governmental position. The man across the ballot is Jon E. Rosenthal, a Jewish mechanical engineer and Texas state representative for House District 135 since January 2019.

The Humanist described him as agnostic and “multireligious,” raised by a Jewish father and a Christian mother, with more than two decades of oil and gas work. At 14 he lived in Israel for a year while his father taught at Hebrew University of Jerusalem and became conversational in Hebrew. The Forward reported that he later took his legislative oath on a Torah he received as a bar mitzvah gift.

Taking advantage of the post-October 7 “vibe shift” that has allowed for public figures to indulge in all manner of antisemitic and racial appeals to disgruntled White voters, French took some thinly veiled shots at Rosenthal’s ethno-religious background. In a fundraising email first reported by Texas Monthly, he circulated an AI generated image of Rosenthal in the room where Russia’s Romanov family was killed. The email claimed Rosenthal has “much in common with the Marxist revolutionaries who brutally executed the Romanov family,” making a reference to the disproportionate role Jews played during the Bolshevik Revolution that set the stage for the Soviet subjugation of the Russian-speaking world.

French has clearly updated the Southern Strategy script for the current year. Perhaps he may even have some groypers on his staff that help craft such race-baiting strategies. Who knows.

Nevertheless, French talks about foreigners and demographic displacement but offers no concrete statute the Railroad Commission could pass. White voters remain the bedrock of the Republican electorate in Texas, and when an election is close, the party will scrounge for any type of White support it can get. French knows the game all too well.

Behind the fiery rhetoric lies a generic pro-Zionist Republican. On his iVoterGuide questionnaire he called Israel “a strategic ally in a region of radical Islamists who hate us” and boasted that he alone had “proposed detailed plans for a stronger partnership between the Railroad Commission and the Israeli energy industry.” That posture sits beside the 2025 social media poll in which, as The Dallas Morning News reported, he asked followers who posed “a bigger threat to America” and listed Jews or Muslims as the options, in a clear ploy to tap into the racial instincts of Texas voters. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick replied, “Bo French’s words do not reflect my values nor the values of the Republican Party,” and demanded “immediate resignation and replacement.” French refused. “I have always strongly supported Israel and I’m not resigning,” he wrote in response.

Pro-Zionist oil billionaires Tim Dunn and Farris Wilks are key supporters of French’s political campaign. Their political network, then operating as the Texas Freedom Fund for the Advancement of Justice, gave French $225,000 and spent another $150,000 on an ad, more than half of the $637,139 he had raised through late February. Dunn also chairs the Christian Advisory Board of the Israel Allies Foundation, whose stated mission is to “equip and empower pro-Israel legislators.” The foundation credits him with organizing numerous trips to Israel for politicians. Additionally, French received an endorsement from the American Jewish Conservatives, a Dallas-based grassroots organization that describes itself as "fervently Pro-God, Pro-America, Pro-Israel and Pro-Constitution, during the 2026 primary cycle.

The amusing part of this episode is how squeamish the Texas Republican Party remains about French’s otherwise played-out race-baiting script. Even for those empty suits, that’s a bridge too far. Outgoing Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) asked whether Republican officials would “condemn the intolerance and racism, or look the other way while it becomes normalized.”

By September 17 he had ruled out voting for French. “He’s an embarrassment to the Republican Party, and he’s going to drag the whole ticket down because of his racist comments,” Cornyn said, according to Houston Public Media. “I may just leave it blank.” He still declined to back Rosenthal.

Establishment Republican hack Karl Rove went further. After calling French a “bigot” at a private Austin lunch, he used a Wall Street Journal column to pledge his vote to Rosenthal, only the second Democrat he said he had ever supported, after Lt. Gov. Bob Bullock in 1994. “The GOP has a growing number of Bo Frenches—and not only in Texas,” Rove wrote. “This November, I’ll vote for only the second Democrat in my life.” He added, “The GOP’s stables need a cleaning. This is a good place to start.”

Regardless of all the noise being made, French will not move the needle in any meaningful way on immigration restriction. The office he is running for has little to no impact on changing immigration policy—what is actually a federal matter to begin with. His party already held a trifecta while Texas has changed, so there’s scant reason to believe that the situation will change if people vote straight-ticket Republican this election cycle.

From a big picture perspective, politicians come and go, while corporate oligarchs—the key drivers of mass migration policy—remain fixtures in the state’s plutocratic structure. Mark Cuban, one of the most prominent Jewish billionaires in Texas who enthusiastically promotes mass migration, told FOX Business in 2015, “if someone from another country earns a job, more power to them.” In March 2025 he posted, “The H1b Visa game is ridiculous,” and argued that corporations should pay $5 million for immediate citizenship for any employee earning over $500,000.

Dell Technologies CEO Michael Dell, also of Jewish extraction, in a 2017 internal memo quoted by CRN, pledged, “We will advocate for immigration reform that supports our business, our customers, our team members and their families.” Department of Labor data compiled by MyVisaJobs show Dell USA filed 434 H1B labor applications in fiscal 2025, even as FOX Business reported Dell cut its workforce from about 133,000 to 97,000 in 2023.

Between French and Rosenthal, and any other statewide race in Texas for that matter, there are no good choices for Texas. Red meat rhetoric on the campaign won’t change the structural factors that have led to Texas’ demographic transformation.

The path ahead is clear. Unless the prevailing Judeo-capitalist order is dismantled, Texas will inevitably succumb to the same entropy as the rest of the country, becoming little more than an incoherent racial mish-mash that organized Jewry can control with relative ease. It is a modern Tower of Babel, overseen by a regime of Jewish oligarchs who utilize their loyal South Asian functionaries to manage our collective displacement.

A nightmare scenario by any measure.

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James Edwards and I discussed the South Asian takeover of the University of Texas and other domestic issues.

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In this livestream, José Niño talks about the latest chaos in the Middle East, escalation in Russia, and Zionist shenanigans at home.

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In early September 2026, Ansar Allah—better known as the Houthis in the West—launched its most consequential offensive in years. On September 3, the movement began diversionary attacks against government forces. By September 10, its fighters had seized Mokha, the historic Red Sea port city roughly 80 kilometers north of the Bab al-Mandeb strait. The following day, in what Euronews described as an 18-hour blitz, Ansar Allah forces swept through Dhubab and took Perim Island, which sits inside the strait itself, splitting it into 2 shipping channels, and then seized the Hanish Islands, an archipelago roughly 100 miles to the north. By mid-September, Ansar Allah forces controlled Yemen’s entire Red Sea coastline, Perim Island, and the Hanish Islands, covering approximately 5,400 square kilometers of newly gained territory.

These victories gave the movement commanding positions over the Bab al-Mandeb, the narrow passage carrying roughly 12 percent of world trade and serving as Saudi Arabia’s principal oil export artery since Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Ansar Allah remains the de facto authority in Sanaa and much of the populous west, while the internationally recognized government nominally administers other areas.

The advance increased the movement’s ability to threaten ships with shorter-range weapons, mines, drones, and boarding parties, and exposed the hollowness of the internationally recognized government’s military position. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman personally pressed President Trump for U.S. military strikes on Ansar Allah positions as they approached Mokha—a request Trump rejected, according to multiple U.S. outlets.

Behind Ansar Allah’s surprising geopolitical gains stands an ancient religious tradition. Zaydism is one of the 3 surviving major branches of Shia Islam, alongside Twelverism and Ismailism. Twelverism—the dominant branch, comprising the majority of Shia Muslims worldwide and the state religion of Iran—holds that authority passed through a line of 12 divinely appointed Imams, the last of whom went into occultation in 874 CE and is expected to return as a messianic figure at the end of times. Ismailism, sometimes called Sevener Shia, split from the Twelver line over which son of the sixth Imam was the rightful successor; its most prominent surviving branch today follows the Aga Khan as the living Imam.

Zaydism takes its name from Zayd ibn Ali, a great-great-grandson of the Prophet Muhammad through Ali and Fatima and through Husayn ibn Ali. Where Twelvers believe the Imam must be divinely appointed and Ismailis follow a hereditary living Imam, Zaydis hold that any learned descendant of Ali can lead by rising in arms against tyranny.

Zayd put that principle into practice when he rebelled against Umayyad Caliph Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik in Kufa on January 6, 740 CE. Zayd was wounded on the second day of fighting and died shortly after. Even Abu Hanifa, the founder of the largest school of Sunni jurisprudence, gave financial support to the revolt and called on others to join—an indication of how widely Zayd’s cause against Umayyad oppression was respected across sectarian lines.

Zaydism did not spring fully formed from that martyrdom. It took shape gradually, through centuries of theological refinement. Al-Qasim al-Rassi (785-860 CE) gave the movement its systematic theology and jurisprudence in the 9th century. His grandson, al-Hadi ila al-Haqq Yahya, carried that inheritance into governance, answering an invitation from Yemen’s highland tribes and establishing a Zaydi imamate at Saada in 897. He shaped the Hadawi school of doctrine and law that became the dominant expression of Yemeni Zaydism and that his descendants, the Rassid dynasty, maintained intermittently for more than a thousand years.

Zaydi states also appeared around the Caspian Sea in the same era, though those communities were eventually absorbed into Twelver Shiism, leaving Yemen as the tradition’s principal surviving home. Today Zaydis remain concentrated in the northern and northwestern highlands, in the belt running from Dhamar up through Sanaa, Amran, Hajjah, and al-Jawf toward Saada, precisely the heartland where Ansar Allah draws its deepest support.

For centuries, Zaydi imams ruled parts of northern Yemen through shifting alliances with tribes, their authority expanding and contracting as rival claimants and Ottoman interventions repeatedly disrupted the state. When the Ottoman Empire collapsed at the end of World War I, Imam Yahya Muhammad Hamid al-Din moved quickly to fill the vacuum. He entered Sanaa in November 1918, consolidated control over the northern highlands, proclaimed the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen around 1920, and secured international recognition through the Treaty of Hudaydah in 1926, making it the first independent Arab state in the modern era.

The kingdom passed from Yahya, who was assassinated in 1948, to his son Ahmad bin Yahya, who ruled until his death on September 19, 1962. His son Muhammad al-Badr succeeded him but held power for only 8 days before republican officers, inspired by Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Arab nationalism, staged a coup on September 26-27, 1962, toppling the final imam and establishing the Yemen Arab Republic. The coup provoked a civil war between Egyptian-supported republicans and Saudi-supported royalists that continued until the Yemen Arab Republic was recognized internationally in 1970. This was not a simple Sunni revolt against Zaydism, as northern Zaydi and tribal networks remained influential in the republican era.

What followed was a slow reawakening. Yemen’s unification in May 1990 joined the Zaydi-influenced north and the predominantly Shafi’i south, and the political pluralism that came with it created legal space for a Zaydi revival. Saudi-backed Salafi institutions simultaneously pushed into Saada and began displacing local religious customs, accelerating the process. Zaydi activists built parties, schools, and summer camps in response, and it was out of this milieu that Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi emerged—first as al-Haqq’s most prominent parliamentary representative from 1993 to 1997, then as the founder of the Believing Youth, a network explicitly designed as a Zaydi counterweight to Wahhabi youth organizations.

When President Ali Abdullah Saleh aligned with Washington after September 11, Hussein viewed that alignment as a civilizational betrayal of the north. The Yemeni government killed him in September 2004, triggering the first of 6 rounds of fighting between his movement and the state, the Saada Wars of 2004 to 2010. Each round that the government failed to win left the Houthis stronger and better armed. His relatives and lieutenants survived all 6, joined the 2011 popular uprising, and entered Sanaa in September 2014, building the authority that now governs most of northern Yemen, and controls the straits that connect the Red Sea to the world.

The Houthis remain a Zaydi-rooted movement but have built a broader coalition across sectarian lines. Their ideology combines Jarudi revivalism, Yemeni nationalism, tribal politics, and revolutionary symbolism. Jarudiyya is the branch of Zaydism closest to Twelver Shiism, which rejects the first 3 caliphs, holding that Ali’s succession was divinely designated.

They claim a privileged relationship with the Prophet’s family as sayyids, yet have recruited Shafi’i Sunnis and installed southern Sunni politicians in visible civilian posts, while appealing to Sunni communities through sovereignty, anti-corruption, anti-intervention, and pro-Palestinian solidarity messaging. Zaydi and Hashemite commanders retain control over intelligence, weapons, and strategic decisions. For their part, Sunni officials administer civilian affairs beneath a parallel network of Houthi supervisors

Contrary to the conventional wisdom espoused by Iran hawks in Washington and Tel Aviv, Ansar Allah is not merely an Iranian cut-out. The 1979 revolution offered Zaydi revivalists an example of a successful Islamic uprising against monarchy and Western power. Hussein admired Ayatollah Khomeini’s resistance, adopted elements of Iranian statecraft, and looked to Hezbollah as an organizational model. Iranian assistance grew dramatically after the Saudi intervention in 2015, with the IRGC supplying weapons technology, training, intelligence, and diplomatic support. For example, a July 2025 seizure alone intercepted roughly 750 tons of Iranian munitions including drone components, missile warheads, and radar systems bound for the movement.

Though the relationship defies the proxy label. Iran did not create Ansar Allah, and the two follow different strains of Islam—the aforementioned Twelver Shiism in Tehran, Zaydism in Saada. Iran’s own envoy to Yemen, Amir-Saeid Iravani, told Al Jazeera publicly that the group “does not operate as a proxy in any meaningful command sense.” The Middle East Council on Global Affairs documents that when the 2026 Iran war began, Ansar Allah exercised calculated restraint rather than full escalation by choosing to preserve operational capacity and their Red Sea leverage as a deterrent of last resort rather than expend it on Iranian timetables.

Even so, the group broadcasts an inheritance that is partly Iranian. Ansar Allah’s slogan reveals both Iranian inspiration and a distinctly Houthi ideological project. Ansar Allah declares “Allah is great, death to America, death to Israel, curses on the Jews, victory to Islam,” positioning itself as one of the loudest political movements confronting World Jewry and its Arab proxies in the Middle East.

This modern antisemitism has ancient roots in Zaydi governance. Classical Zaydi dhimma law required Jews to pay a special jizya tax and submit to restrictions on dress, housing height, horse-riding, and public conduct. Particular rulers pushed far beyond even those terms. Imam al-Mutawakkil Isma’il (1644-1676) escalated persecution after the Sabbatean movement of 1666, when a mass messianic excitement centered on a self-proclaimed Jewish redeemer led Zaydi scholars to question whether Jews still qualified for dhimmi protection. Accusations that Jewish communities had aided the Ottoman Empire during the Qasimid revolt also played a role in growing skepticism of Jews. The imam consulted Zaydi fuqaha (Islamic jurists) on whether Muhammad’s reported injunction against 2 religions in Arabia applied to Yemen, and on their ruling that it did, demanded Jewish conversion. When most Jews refused to convert, he subjected community leaders to public humiliation. He fell ill before completing the expulsion he had ordered, and charged his successor to carry it out.

Imam al-Mahdi Ahmad (1676-1681) did exactly that. In 1679 he demolished synagogues across Yemen, confiscated property, and expelled the entire Jewish population to Mawza in what remains the most notorious episode in Yemeni Jewish history.

The Orphans’ Decree added a uniquely intimate form of punitive action against the Jewish population. Rooted in an 18th-century Zaydi fatwa that drew on the Prophetic hadith: “Every person is born to the natural religion of Islam, and only his parents make a Jew or a Christian out of him.” The decree obligated the Yemeni Zaydi state to seize custody of Jewish children orphaned of both parents and raise them as Muslims. Scholars at Cambridge have noted it “has no parallel in other countries.” Enforcement varied by ruler and region, but the decree was most aggressively applied during the reign of Imam Yahya (1918-1948), when most recorded cases occurred. Families responded with early marriages to remove children from orphan status, concealment within tight-knit urban Jewish quarters, and in the most desperate cases, the arduous journey out of Yemen entirely.

Between June 1949 and September 1950, Operation Magic Carpet— formally Operation On Wings of Eagles—airlifted approximately 49,000 Yemenite Jews to the newly founded State of Israel after the Imam of Yemen agreed to permit most of the community to leave. The operation ended a Jewish presence in Yemen that had endured for more than 2,500 years. A remnant community stayed behind, but under Ansar Allah rule that ancient continuity was severed entirely. In March 2021, the Houthis expelled 13 members of the last 3 Jewish families in Sanaa.

With the last Jewish families gone, Ansar Allah took its war against Israel abroad. Since 2023, the Houthis have attacked ships and launched weapons toward Israel while claiming to defend Gaza. Their actions won admiration among many Arabs who saw little meaningful action from their own governments.

By anchoring their modern military campaign in the deep bedrock of historical Zaydi anti-imperialism and religious governance, Ansar Allah has demonstrated that sustained defiance against Israel and its international backers depends not on modern diplomatic consensus, but on an uncompromising commitment to civilizational identity and armed struggle against World Jewry.

Gentiles in the Collective West could learn a thing or two from the plucky warriors of Ansar Allah.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño examines talks about the latest tensions in Yemen, Zionist threats in the domestic sphere, and an increasingly chaotic geopolitical order.

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I made an appearance on Redacted to talk about my article on Jared Kushner and George Soros’ connections with Clayton Morris.

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I made an appearance on the Pete Quiñones Show to talk about the changing demographics of Texas and its university system.

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Episode 1423: The Univ. of Texas Issue is Not New w/ Jose Niño

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a month ago · 22 likes · 7 comments · Peter R. Quiñones

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A few weeks ago Russians with Attitude, posted a blunt prediction after Abelardo de la Espriella won Colombia’s presidency in June.

“It was already bad under Gustavo Petro who didn’t do anything to stop it but at least verbally denounced the outflow of Colombian mercenaries. De la Espriella will likely actively support American-Ukrainian recruitment efforts. There’s already many thousands of them (with around 1,000 confirmed killed). I suspect flooding the Ukrainian army with Third World meat will be the focus of US strategy to solve Kiev’s manpower problems. It’s already the publicly declared Ukrainian strategy.”

Hot take aside, there’s considerable truth behind RWA’s commentary. Colombia now supplies more foreign fighters to Ukraine than any other nation on earth, and it did not arrive at that position overnight.

The International Federation for Human Rights estimates that 2,000 to 3,000 Colombians joined the Ukrainian army as contract soldiers. The Defense Post reported in November 2025 that Ukraine had signed roughly 2,000 Colombians on military contracts, citing the German daily Die Welt. Writing for the Atlantic Council in February 2026, Erin K. McFee noted that official figures do not exist and put Colombians at roughly 25 percent of all personnel drawn from the 65 countries that have joined Kiev’s ground forces. Petro pushed the number far higher, telling Colombians in May 2026 that 7,000 men were fighting and dying in a war that was not theirs.

Citing former Ukrainian economy minister Tymofiy Mylovanov, Petro wrote on X on May 5, 2026, in a post that translates as “There are 7,000 men from Colombia with military training, fighting in a foreign war and dying without cause in Ukraine. We do not want to export death. The mercenary is prohibited by law.”

However uncertain the head count, the body count is harder to dispute. Colombia’s Foreign Ministry gave El Tiempo figures published on June 9, 2026, and current through May, showing 670 Colombians missing and 173 dead across both sides. Of the dead, 140 died in Ukraine, and 130 of those bodies have already come home in coffins, while consular officials in Russia confirmed 33 more using information the Russian government supplied. Of the missing, Ukraine’s armed forces declared 446 lost in combat, families reported another 56, and the Moscow consulate logged 168. The ministry then undercut the totals, explaining in Spanish that Colombian citizens travel to conflict zones individually and without notifying Colombian authorities, so the available figures do not necessarily reflect the full scope of the phenomenon.

Independent estimates fill that gap and they run grim. Writing for the Atlantic Council, Erin K. McFee put Colombian deaths on Ukraine’s side at 300 to 550, citing El País. In a Kiev memorial park, Colombian flags now form a striking patch in a dense blanket of tributes to the fallen. Colombians have lost more men in Ukraine’s International Legion than any other foreign nationality, with Americans second at roughly 100 killed. McFee interviewed a Colombian veteran in Kiev in late 2025 who delivered a warning stripped of romance. “Tell Colombians not to go there, because more die than return.”

The dead accumulate in single afternoons as much as in slow attrition. On July 21, 2025, a Russian missile struck the dining hall of a training camp near Kropyvnytskyi at lunchtime. The New York Times reported that at least a dozen foreign volunteers died, among them citizens of the United States, Colombia, Taiwan and Denmark, and an anonymous American recruit from Florida described seeing at least 15 dead and more than 100 wounded. The unit hit was the International Legion run by Ukraine’s military intelligence, whose spokesman said official casualty figures would stay sealed until the investigation closed.

Colombians who leave the front face a second danger. On November 10, 2025, a court that Russia administers in Donetsk sentenced José Aarón Medina Aranda and Alexander Ante to 13 years each for fighting alongside Ukraine’s armed forces. The two had flown to Caracas on their way home to Popayán. Venezuela handed them to Russia instead.

The supply side explains what the demand side cannot. Colombia has fought drug cartels and guerrilla armies for more than 60 years, and that war produced the deepest pool of combat hardened veterans in the hemisphere. The Associated Press put annual retirements from Colombia’s armed forces at more than 10,000, a figure the Defense Ministry has given as roughly 10,600. Most leave in their late 30s or early 40s after 15 to 20 years fighting the FARC, the ELN, and the cartels, and Colombian law pushes most soldiers and noncommissioned officers out by 45.

Citing the Colombian daily La Patria, McFee reports that rank and file soldiers earn close to $400 a month on active duty, and that retirement often halves whatever they were making. Ukraine pays soldiers in combat operations from $3,000 to $5,000 a month, offers a potential $25,000 signing bonus, and promises families a $350,000 death benefit. At a December 2025 forum in Bogotá on the veteran exodus, convened by the Corioli Institute that McFee founded and directs, one participant described Ukraine as “the first real door that opens,” for economically troubled veterans.

That door has been swinging for decades. Plan Colombia poured American money and training into building one of the Western hemisphere’s largest professional militaries, and the graduates kept arriving faster than the domestic economy could absorb them. Erik Prince got there early. Blackwater affiliates had been placing retired Colombian soldiers in Iraq since 2004, and by 2010 Prince was building something larger. Late that November, a plane carrying dozens of Colombian men landed in Abu Dhabi, where an Emirati intelligence officer waved them through customs and an unmarked bus carried them 20 miles into the desert. They had entered the country posing as construction workers.

The New York Times reported that they were the first recruits for a battalion of 800 foreign troops Prince was assembling for the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, financed with $529 million from the Emirates. In 2015 the same two reporters found that Emirati money had sent roughly 450 Latin American fighters, hundreds of them Colombian, to fight the Houthis in Yemen. At around 1 a.m. on July 7, 2021, a team of just over two dozen mercenaries, most of them former Colombian soldiers, stormed Haitian President Jovenel Moïse’s home above Port-au-Prince and shot him dead. A Miami jury convicted four more plotters in May 2026. The 18 Colombians arrested in Haiti are still jailed without trial, and no one has established who ordered the hit.

The most recent destination is also the darkest. In May 2026 Human Rights Watch published an 83-page report by Joey Shea and Jean-Baptiste Gallopin, From Bogotá to El Fasher, documenting how the Abu Dhabi firm Global Security Services Group appears to have hired hundreds of Colombian contractors and routed them through Emirati military facilities to fight alongside the Rapid Support Forces. Investigators geolocated video of Spanish speaking contractors fighting in El Fasher, and six residents of the city said they saw men they believed were Colombian standing armed at the sites of the October 2025 mass killings and rapes that the UN fact finding mission called consistent with genocide.

One contractor told Human Rights Watch he trained RSF recruits near Nyala and that many of them were young children. The Treasury Department had already sanctioned the Colombian recruiter A4SI on December 9, 2025, finding that the firm ran campaigns through its website, group chats and town halls to fill slots for drone operators, snipers and translators.

UN experts have put only a rough number on the whole enterprise. After visiting Colombia from March 16 to 27, 2026, the Working Group on the use of mercenaries reported that more than 10,000 Colombians have been “recruited into armed conflicts worldwide, both through legal and irregular means,” many of them former soldiers, police and veterans, and many offered between $2,000 and $6,000 a month. Its preliminary findings are blunter about the limits of that count.

Working Group member Joana de Deus Pereira told reporters in Bogotá that proliferating conflicts had raised demand and Colombians were filling it, naming the escalation in the Middle East, the war in Sudan, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Chairperson Michelle Small said foreign buyers seek out former Colombian personnel, and warned that deceptive contracts, where firms pay far less than advertised or write outright fake ones, can amount to labor exploitation and human trafficking.

Petro met the crisis with a statute, though its reach remains uncertain. The House approved the bill in December 2025 by 94 to 17, and Petro signed Law 2569 on March 17, 2026, adopting the 1989 convention against mercenary recruitment. Colombia has not actually ratified it yet. The Constitutional Court must review the law first, which is why the UN experts urged Bogotá to hurry. Whether it bites is another question.

The next administration inherited the law and a very different set of priorities. De la Espriella took office in August promising to rebuild security ties with Washington, which largely frayed under his predecessor. He will also look to stay in Washington’s good graces by towing a pro-Zionist line.

Part of this rapprochement will likely also involve Colombia reactivating its mercenary pipelines in the Russo-Ukrainian theater, as Washington increasingly leans on proxy forces and covert operations in what is beginning to look like a pyrrhic victory for Russian forces.

The brief, defiant interlude of the Petro administration has been decisively shut down, and Colombia has been reset to its default setting as a loyal vassal state of the Judeo-American empire. Under Abelardo de la Espriella, Bogotá will remain the premier supplier of disposable infantry for Washington’s global destabilization schemes from Kiev to the Middle East.

Ultimately, Bogotá’s most lethal and dependable global export is neither coffee nor cocaine, but the expendable blood of veterans marching straight from one meat grinder into the next.

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In this livestream, José Niño talks about the latest tensions between Europe and Israel, the Trump administration’s rehabilitation of figures tied to Syria’s jihadist movement, and the Houthis’ capture of Mokha

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño sat down with Laurent Guyénot, author and researcher, to mark the 25th anniversary of 9/11 by examining the Israeli intelligence angle behind the attacks, the Sayanim network embedded in American institutions, and why the ancient religious worldview of Judaism still shapes Israeli strategy today.

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From Yahweh to Zion by Laurent Guyénot

The 9/11 Triple Cross

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Jared Kushner and Hakeem Jeffries met privately in New York City in recent weeks, and neither man wanted to discuss it afterward.

The New York Times reported the encounter on August 23, citing five people with knowledge of a session held in a New York City space a mutual friend provided. The two men discussed housing, immigration, and the cost of living. Kushner urged Jeffries to sit down with White House chief of staff Susie Wiles as a follow-up. NBC News confirmed the account the same day. Jeffries’s initial statement never acknowledged the meeting at all, insisting only that “the affordability crisis is not a hoax and nothing short of transformational policy change is acceptable.” He later posted a video on X acknowledging that “Kushner asked for a meeting.”

The timing carried its own message. Democrats lead in nearly every midterm poll, and Jeffries becomes speaker if they capture the House in November. Kushner has told associates that Jeffries ranks as “the most serious” Democratic leader. House Speaker Mike Johnson shrugged at the news on Fox News, saying “I don’t know what that’s about.” Crooked Media co-founder Tommy Vietor was less charitable, posting on X: “Jared Kushner has no actual government job; he just uses his family connections to get money from gulf autocrats and fund corrupt deals. The only way Jeffries should work with him is with demands for documents and subpoenas.”

That reaction captures a long-standing problem with Jeffries. Namely, the qualities that make Jeffries someone Trump’s inner circle can work with are the same qualities that have made him a target inside his own party and nowhere is more apparent than on the issue of Israel.

Jeffries reached that position by a steady ascent through the House. He won New York’s 8th Congressional District in 2012, succeeding Ed Towns, and quickly built a legislative profile around criminal justice reform. He introduced legislation to criminalize chokeholds after Eric Garner’s death and served as the lead Democratic sponsor of the bipartisan First Step Act of 2018, a jailbreak bill that became one of Donald Trump’s most significant legislative accomplishments of his first term.

House Democrats unanimously elected Jeffries to succeed Nancy Pelosi as House minority leader on November 30, 2022, making him the first Black American to lead either party in either chamber of Congress. He was re-elected to the post in 2024. In July 2025 he set the record for the longest House floor speech in modern history, speaking for eight hours and 44 minutes against the One Big Beautiful Bill Act and breaking the mark Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) set in 2021. Heading into the 2026 midterms, Jeffries is widely positioned to become speaker if Democrats retake the House.

With Jeffries potentially becoming House Speaker, American Jewry could breathe a sigh of relief knowing that they have a safe pair of hands wielding the speaker’s gavel. Jeffries represents Brooklyn’s 8th District, which Jewish Currents has described as the 15th most Jewish congressional district in the country, and he was raised in Crown Heights, home to the global headquarters of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement. He has extolled that constituency, telling reporters and audiences that “in New York City we consider Jerusalem to be the sixth borough.”

His public language and, more importantly, his legislative record on Israel have been reliably pro-Zionist throughout his congressional career. Jeffries backed the $1 billion Iron Dome replenishment in September 2021, which passed 420 to 9 over objections from eight progressive Democrats. He voted in favor of the $26.4 billion Israel Security Supplemental, H.R. 8034, in April 2024, which split House Democrats 173 to 37. He voted no on a GOP standalone Israel aid bill, H.R. 6126, in February 2024 that Democrats viewed as a partisan maneuver, and he supported the 2019 anti-BDS resolution H.Res.246 as well as the Antisemitism Awareness Act in May 2024. By 2022 alone, Jewish Currents documented Jeffries raising $440,000 from Israel-advocacy groups—the sixth-highest total among House members that cycle, per OpenSecrets—and he has traveled to Israel five times on AIPAC-sponsored trips since entering Congress in 2013. Jeffrie’s pro-Israel funding surged to over $1 million by the 2024 election cycle.

In July 2026, Jeffries continued his pro-Israel antics. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) offered an amendment stripping $3.3 billion in Foreign Military Financing for Israel from the fiscal 2027 State Department bill. It failed 104 to 314. Among Democrats, 103 voted yes, 98 voted no, and 10 voted present, with Massie the lone Republican supporter. Jeffries voted no. In a Dear Colleague letter, he called the measure “overly broad,” arguing it would hinder humanitarian aid efforts, refugee resettlement, and efforts to undermine resistance groups like Hamas. Notably, he declined to whip the vote, telling members there would be “good faith reasons that will result in members voting in a variety of different ways.”

They would proceed to do so, with his own deputy, Minority Whip Katherine Clark (D-MA), announcing she would vote yes because “the status quo is not tenable.” Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi voted yes as well, saying “the Netanyahu government cannot maintain its current course.” Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (D-CA) stayed with Jeffries. The party’s top two leaders had split publicly on the defining foreign policy question of the cycle, and Jeffries found himself on the shrinking side.

The money surrounding that vote drew immediate scrutiny. Sludge reported that on May 20, AIPAC’s PAC routed two earmarked payments totaling $149,300 to the Jeffries Battleground Protection Fund, the largest earmarked disbursement in the PAC’s history, listed in Federal Election Commission records as an earmark of Jewish billionaire investor Daniel Och.

The AIPAC money flowing into Jeffries’ coffers has raised concerns among progressives. When Jeffries told WNYC’s Brian Lehrer Show in November 2025 that AIPAC’s PAC could give only “$5,000 or $10,000 per cycle, that’s it,”Sludge called the characterization misleading, noting the group’s conduit system has funneled more than a million dollars in earmarked donations to his campaigns.

That financial relationship has fueled further backlash. When AIPAC’s United Democracy Project super PAC spent $14.5 million in June 2024 to defeat Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-NY), Jeffries offered only a muted response, telling Punchbowl News that “pro-Israel groups are going to support pro-Israel members of Congress.” Radio host Charlamagne tha God has mockingly nicknamed Jeffries “AIPAC Shakur” for his close alignment with pro-Israel donors.

Other leftist outlets have taken Jeffries to task for his devotion to Israeli interests. His 2026 partnership with liberal Zionist organization J Street to oppose the Massie-sponsored arms amendment drew a pointed critique from CounterPunch, which accused him of coupling rhetoric about restraint with continued support for weapons transfers amid allegations of Israeli conduct in Gaza.

Jeffries’s financial entanglements do not end with AIPAC. Sam Bankman-Fried, the FTX founder later convicted of fraud, donated to Jeffries’s campaign, and Jeffries pledged to donate the funds after FTX’s collapse, according to Bloomberg. Separately, 2026 reporting found that committees tied to Jeffries and other Democratic leaders donated to candidates who had pledged to reject corporate PAC money, even as those same committees accepted funds from corporations including Barclays, CVS and UnitedHealthcare, raising accusations of an indirect funding workaround.

The financial ties only reinforce a rhetorical record that consistently delegitimized Palestinian resistance to Israeli transgressions. In February 2022, he called claims that Israel is an apartheid state “demonstrably false, dangerous and designed to isolate Israel in one of the toughest neighborhoods in the world,” responding directly to Amnesty International’s report on Israeli apartheid. After October 7, 2023, he declared in a press release that “America stands firmly and unequivocally with Israel” and that Congress “must stand with Israel until the invasion by Hamas has been crushed.” He also criticized the phrase “from the river to the sea” in a November 2023 statement as a call for “the complete destruction of Israel,” and stressed in February 2025 that “our commitment to Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish and Democratic state and eternal homeland for the Jewish people is ironclad.”

The most recent flashpoint in Jeffries’s career came in August 2026 with a private meeting with Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law and top outside adviser, to discuss “potential areas of common ground” on housing, immigration, and the cost of living. The New York Times noted the meeting’s timing “underscored that those around Mr. Trump were well aware of the likelihood of a Democratic-led House,” and that Kushner suggested Jeffries also meet with White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles. Kushner reportedly told associates that if anything bipartisan gets done with Congress, Jeffries is “the most serious person among Democratic leaders.”

Despite the criticism he received from progressives, Jeffries defended the meeting on CNN and in a video posted to X, insisting “no one from the Trump cartel is getting a pass” and that he agreed to the sit-down only to “discuss the affordability crisis that exists, that is not a hoax.” This was not the first time Jeffries and Kushner had found common ground. He and Kushner have a prior working relationship dating to their collaboration on the 2018 First Step Act.

Taken together, Hakeem Jeffries is a reliable servant of Israel and the broader Jewish community. Both Trump terms have been Judeo-accelerationist to the core, with Israel getting nearly everything it wants. Naturally, the American public has grown tired of these escapades that only advance Jewish interests and are now prepared to vote the bums out in the upcoming midterms.

Though it should be stressed that in the Jewish-dominated plutocracy we live in there is no meaningful opposition to the Pan-Judah. At best, voters will have to pull the lever for another competing faction of Jewish proxies.

Enter Hakeem Jeffries and his minions.

Regardless of how the political pendulum swings later this year, the Jewish donor networks and political action committees backing Israel face no real downside, secure in the knowledge that a Democratic flip merely elevates Jeffries, an empty suit who is a certified coon for the Cohens in word and in deed.

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