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This Sunday, April 19, at 8 PM Eastern, I’m going live to break down how the Iran war is hammering American farmers with higher fertilizer costs, Trump’s shaky Lebanon “ceasefire” and Islamabad talks, Trump’s quiet H-2B visa expansion for his donor class, the hidden true costs of the Iran campaign, and the latest GOP sellout on Haitian TPS.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño joined by former U.S. Representative Cynthia McKinney for a deep dive into the capture of the American political system.

McKinney breaks down the harsh realities of the Washington “inside game,” why both major political parties are two wings of the same bird, and the absolute power of the Israel First lobbies that dictate our domestic and military policy.

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For years, American media fixated relentlessly on Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, yet FBI documents reveal a parallel story of Israeli contacts with the Trump campaign that received virtually no scrutiny despite evidence of attempted foreign intervention.

This operation involved high-ranking Israeli officials, secret agents, and a sustained effort to provide Donald Trump’s campaign with what one participant called “critical intel” to defeat Hillary Clinton.

The story only emerged through heavily redacted FBI search warrant documents released in 2020, more than four years after the events occurred. According to these documents, examined extensively by intelligence expert James Bamford in The Nation, Israeli officials conducted a months-long operation attempting to establish covert channels to the Trump campaign, offer foreign intelligence assistance, and secure policy commitments in exchange for intervention in the American electoral process.

Yet despite clear evidence of foreign government officials attempting to influence a U.S. presidential election, this Israeli operation received no congressional hearings, no Justice Department investigations beyond the initial FBI probe, and virtually no sustained media coverage. The contrast with the intense scrutiny applied to Russian activities raises uncomfortable questions about selective enforcement, media priorities, and whether some foreign interference matters more than others.

The Secret Agent and His Mission

According to FBI affidavits, the operation centered on a mysterious Israeli agent acting under direct orders from someone identified as “PM,” whom the FBI stated refers to “the Prime Minister.” Though the agent’s name was redacted throughout the documents, Bamford’s analysis suggests the profile closely matches Isaac Molho, Benjamin Netanyahu’s top personal aide and confidential envoy.

Israeli newspaper Haaretz described Molho as a “discreet man for sensitive missions”, who operated with “almost complete silence from the media” while undertaking sensitive assignments with Mossad providing logistical support, enjoying what the paper described as extraordinary autonomy on Netanyahu’s most sensitive assignments. The newspaper characterized him as having carried out “the most sensitive missions for Netanyahu,” missions whose full scope, Netanyahu himself wrote, “will not be possible to reveal...for at least several decades.”

The FBI documents describe an agent with authority to direct other high-ranking Israeli officials and who was summoned from the United States to Rome at a moment’s notice to accompany Netanyahu to negotiations with Secretary of State John Kerry over Palestine. This critical role matched Molho’s known responsibilities during this period.

For Netanyahu, the stakes in the 2016 American election could not have been higher. President Obama and Kerry were pressuring Israel on Palestinian statehood, the Middle East Quartet was preparing a report critical of settlement policies, and the Iran nuclear deal represented everything Netanyahu opposed. Trump, by contrast, promised to scrap the Iran agreement, recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s undivided capital, support continued occupation of Palestinian territories, and eventually take direct military action against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Netanyahu’s solution, according to the FBI documents, involved dispatching his trusted aide to establish a back channel to Trump and offer assistance that would prove remarkably prescient about upcoming WikiLeaks releases and hacked Democratic Party emails.

The American Connection

The Israeli agent’s pathway to Trump ran through Roger Stone, the longtime political operative who had formally left the campaign but maintained frequent contact with the candidate. Stone was a vocal supporter of Israel’s occupation policies and Iran policy — following Trump’s speech at an AIPAC conference in March 2016, Stone approvingly noted that “Donald Trump is a radical Zionist.”

Stone’s associate Jerome Corsi, a conservative journalist who gained notoriety for co-authoring Unfit for Command, the 2004 book that “swiftboated” John Kerry, provided the initial connection. Corsi was particularly attractive to the Israeli operation because of his staunch support for Israel and equally passionate opposition to Islam. Posting under the pseudonym “jrlc” on FreeRepublic.com forums, Corsi called Islam “a virus” and “a worthless, dangerous Satanic religion.”

The timeline documented in FBI records reveals a pattern of contact, advance information, and uncanny predictions: On May 17, 2016, the Israeli agent confirmed a dinner with Stone for that evening. That same day, according to FBI documents, Stone began Googling “guccifer” and “dcleaks,” nearly a month before these terms would make international headlines when the Democratic National Committee announced it had been hacked by Russian government agents on June 14.

The following day, May 18, Stone, Corsi, and the Israeli agent met at the 21 Club in New York, where the agent pressed for a meeting with Trump himself. Throughout June, the agent continued messaging Stone with increasing urgency about arranging this meeting.

On June 21, the agent sent a message marked “RS: Secret” informing Stone that a cabinet minister was in New York and “available for DJT meeting.” The FBI identified this official’s title as “Minister without portfolio in the cabinet dealing with issues concerning defense and foreign affairs.” At that time, only one person held this position: Tzachi Hanegbi, one of Netanyahu’s oldest confidants and a former intelligence minister

Advance Knowledge and October Surprises

What makes the documented contacts particularly striking is the advanced information that flowed through this channel. The FBI could never establish substantive communications between Stone and WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, nor between Stone and Russian intelligence operatives. Yet Stone demonstrated repeated foreknowledge of upcoming WikiLeaks releases that proved strikingly accurate.

On July 19, according to Michael Cohen’s House Oversight Committee testimony, Stone called Trump and said he had just spoken with Assange, who would soon release emails that would cause “a massive dump” damaging to the Clinton campaign. Three days later, WikiLeaks released approximately 20,000 stolen DNC emails.

On August 2, Corsi sent Stone detailed information about WikiLeaks’ future plans, including reference to Clinton campaign chairman John Podesta being targeted. This information could not have come from Assange, who had not yet publicly mentioned Podesta.

Then came the message that crystallized the operation’s objectives. On August 12, the Israeli agent wrote to Stone from Jerusalem stating “Any progress? He is going to be defeated unless we intervene. We have critical intel. The key is in your hands!” The agent promised an “October Surprise coming!”

Nine days later, on August 21, Stone tweeted “Trust me, it will soon the Podesta’s time in the barrel,” predicting the Podesta email release a full six weeks before it occurred on October 7.

Bamford’s analysis suggests Israeli signals intelligence, particularly Unit 8200 (Israel’s equivalent of the NSA), may have been monitoring Russian intelligence operations and WikiLeaks communications, then providing this information to Trump’s campaign rather than sharing it with the Obama administration, Israel’s supposed ally at the time.

The Payoff

On September 25, Trump and his son-in-law Jared Kushner met privately with Netanyahu and Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer at Trump Tower. The Trump campaign’s readout of the meeting stated that his administration would “recognize Jerusalem as the undivided capital of the State of Israel,” abandoning decades of international consensus that Jerusalem’s status must be negotiated between Israelis and Palestinians.

Following Trump’s election victory, he delivered on this and other commitments. He withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal, recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, and provided unwavering support for settlement expansion. These policy shifts represented exactly what Netanyahu sought, yet received none of the scrutiny that would have accompanied similar policy changes favoring Russia.

The Buried Investigation

Throughout the Mueller investigation, the approximately 1,000-page Senate Intelligence Committee Report, Stone’s criminal trial, and thousands of media reports, no mention of Israeli involvement became public. The Mueller Report redacted all Israeli connections. Congressional committees held no hearings. The Justice Department pursued no further investigations beyond the initial FBI probe.

Stone was eventually convicted on seven counts including obstruction, false statements, and witness tampering, but the charges related only to his false testimony about WikiLeaks contacts, not his communications with foreign agents. Trump commuted Stone’s sentence on July 10, 2020, days before Stone was to report to prison.

The late Robert Parry, founder of Consortium News, was among the first to raise these questions in April 2017. Parry reported that a Democratic Party insider working on the Russia investigation, when asked which country interfered more in U.S. politics, replied “Israel, of course” without hesitation. Parry argued there was “no proportionality” applied to foreign interference questions, noting that anyone mentioning Israel’s influence faced immediate accusations of antisemitism.

A Pattern of Selective Scrutiny

A select few journalists in the alternative media space largely saw through the Russiagate hysteria. Aaron Maté, writing in The Nation in July 2018, observed that “amid fervent speculation that Trump may be a Kremlin asset, Israel’s brazen (and actually documented) foreign meddling barely registers.” Maté noted that Netanyahu effectively convinced Trump to abandon the Iran nuclear deal, a far more consequential act of foreign influence than any Russian achievement, yet this received minimal investigation.

Ali Abunimah, founder of The Electronic Intifada, argued at a 2018 Washington conference that Russiagate hysteria actually helped Israel’s supporters by legitimizing censorship tools later deployed against outlets critical of Israeli policy. When RT was forced to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, Senator Ted Cruz cited this precedent to demand Al Jazeera register as a foreign agent specifically to suppress an undercover documentary exposing the Israel lobby.

Philip Weiss of Mondoweiss tracked Israeli connections throughout the investigation, noting that when the Psy Group, an Israeli private intelligence firm staffed by former Mossad agents, offered the Trump campaign “Project Rome,” a covert operation to influence the election, it generated minimal coverage. Weiss observed the double standard, writing that if a former chief of staff to Vladimir Putin met a Trump aide to discuss campaign dirty tricks, “it would be front page news.”

Investigative journalist Gareth Porter documented how Israeli intelligence coordination with U.S. agencies against Iran involved organized subterfuge, while Grant Smith of the Institute for Research: Middle Eastern Policy highlighted the hypocrisy of forcing RT to register under FARA while ignoring Israel’s unregistered foreign agents, particularly AIPAC.

The Intelligence Expert’s Verdict

Bamford, who has spent decades chronicling American intelligence agencies and first exposed the full scope of NSA operations in 1982, describes the Israeli operation as the most significant unreported foreign interference story of 2016. Bamford characterized Russian interference as “overblown” and argued the evidence showed “nothing other than the type of intelligence gathering or operation that countries are engaged in all the time.”

He particularly criticized media coverage, saying journalists “squandered their objectivity and precious resources on a single story” while ignoring Israeli activities that involved direct contact with campaign officials, offers of intelligence assistance, and advance knowledge of hacked materials. Bamford noted that while the Mueller investigation found no collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign, it uncovered and then buried evidence of Israeli contacts that would have generated massive coverage had they involved Moscow instead of Jerusalem.

The documents Bamford examined suggest potential violations of laws prohibiting foreign contributions to campaigns, conspiracy, and unauthorized access to protected computers. Both Stone and Corsi could have faced charges under Section 951 of the criminal code for covertly assisting a foreign government without registering. Yet no such charges materialized, and the entire investigation disappeared into classified files.

Questions Without Answers

The disparity in treatment raises fundamental questions about American democracy and foreign influence. If high-level foreign government officials secretly offered intelligence assistance to a presidential campaign, promised intervention to help that candidate win, and secured policy commitments in exchange, why would this generate no congressional oversight? If an agent of a foreign prime minister met with campaign operatives to coordinate strategy, why would this occasion no Justice Department investigation?

We are told that foreign interference is a constant threat to our sovereignty, yet we observe a glaring structural inequality in how that threat is perceived. Some foreign entities are subject to aggressive vetting and public scrutiny, while the state of Israel enjoys a privileged status where questioning its reach is treated as a subversive act. Thanks to the Jewish capture of key institutions in America, the institutions that dictate our public discourse have deliberately erected a protective perimeter around Israel, ensuring that the influence of its lobby is shielded from the same critical standards applied to any other foreign power.

As Bamford noted, Israeli private intelligence firms like Team Jorge have been documented throwing elections worldwide, yet Israel faced no sanctions or international condemnation. The February 2023 investigation by a consortium of 30 news outlets confirmed that Team Jorge, run by former Israeli special forces operative Tal Hanan, claimed to have manipulated 33 presidential-level elections across the globe, succeeding in 27. Meanwhile, Russian social media operations involving approximately 200 Twitter accounts and $100,000 in Facebook ads in a $6.5 billion election generated years of investigation and thousands of news reports.

The ingredients for history to repeat itself remain in place. Netanyahu returned to power as prime minister. Trump launched another presidential campaign. The same FBI and media outlets that redacted Israeli involvement in 2016 show no indication of changing their approach. And the same double standard that allowed one foreign interference operation to escape scrutiny while another dominated headlines for years continues unchallenged.

If the American media were truly dedicated to its stated purpose of informing the public rather than serving as the propaganda arm of a captured political establishment, it would long ago have unmasked the hidden Hebraic hand that has been actively manipulating our electoral processes. Instead, we labor under the reality of a polity dominated by those who hold primary loyalty to a foreign ethnostate, rendering objective coverage of domestic politics—especially regarding the pervasive reach of Jewish influence—virtually non-existent.

With the recent escalation of hostilities toward Iran, the fingerprints of Israeli influence are undeniable, serving as a grim testament to how deeply embedded these foreign actors have become within our critical national institutions. Until our media entities find the courage to accurately identify these sovereign bad actors and their domestic enablers, they will continue to feed the public a manufactured reality designed to protect Jewish power from scrutiny. This state of affairs guarantees that this unchecked influence remains insulated from accountability, all while the interests of Gentile America are systematically sacrificed to satisfy the geopolitical ambitions of a foreign power.

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The Jeffrey Epstein files continue to spill their secrets. With each new document release, each newly unsealed court record, the spotlight inches closer to a network of Jewish billionaires who operated in the shadows long before the convicted sex trafficker became a household name. The names in Epstein’s black book read like a roster of Jewish power. But behind those individual names lies something even more intriguing, a structure, an architecture of influence that Epstein exploited with devastating effectiveness.

At the center of that architecture stands a mysterious organization that most Americans have never heard of. It was founded in 1991 by two men, one of whom would become Epstein’s most consequential patron, granting him sweeping power of attorney over his billion-dollar fortune. The other was a Canadian-American billionaire whose family name once adorned the world’s largest liquor company and whose philanthropic fingerprints can be found on nearly every major Jewish institution in North America.

His name is Charles Bronfman.

The Bronfman Empire

Charles Rosner Bronfman was born on June 27, 1931, into a Jewish family in Montreal, the youngest of four children born to Samuel Bronfman, the founder of Distillers Corporation Limited and later the Seagram Company. The Bronfman family’s origins trace to Bessarabia in the Russian Empire, from which they fled from ethnic tensions in 1889 to settle in the Canadian prairies.

Samuel Bronfman, known simply as “Mr. Sam,” built the Seagram empire partly through the shrewd exploitation of American Prohibition-era demand for Canadian whiskey. A 1927 Canadian inquiry found the family had gone years without paying income taxes. A brother-in-law was murdered at a family liquor warehouse in 1922. In 1934, Samuel and his brothers were charged with evading duties on over $5 million, though the case collapsed when investigators could not obtain the family’s account books. From these controversial origins, the family built what would become the world’s largest distilling firm.

Charles grew up as the self-described quiet one. In his 2017 memoir Distilled: A Memoir of Family, Seagram, Baseball, and Philanthropy, he described himself as less dominated by ego than his brother Edgar. He was educated at elite anglophone institutions before attending McGill University. His family kept a kosher home and provided the children with Jewish religious schooling. He began his philanthropic activity at the age of 17.

In 1951, his father gave him a 33% ownership stake in Cemp Investments, a holding company for him and his three siblings that controlled the family’s corporate empire. After Samuel Bronfman’s death in 1971, Charles and Edgar inherited and co-chaired the Seagram Company Ltd., which at its peak was one of the largest spirits companies in the world.

The family’s fortunes were severely damaged in the late 1990s when Edgar Bronfman Jr., Charles’s nephew, led a disastrous pivot into entertainment, culminating in the 2000 sale of Seagram to the French media conglomerate Vivendi. Charles had strongly opposed this move, calling it “a disaster, it is a disaster, it will be a disaster” and “a family tragedy.” The family’s paper losses on the deal exceeded $3 billion as Vivendi’s stock plummeted.

The Founding of the Mega Group

In 1991, Charles Bronfman and Leslie Wexner, founder of The Limited and Victoria’s Secret, co-founded what they called the “Study Group.” The innocuous name concealed something far more significant. This was an invitation-only club of approximately 20 of the wealthiest and most influential Jewish businesspeople in America, a number that would eventually swell to nearly 50 by 2001.

The group became publicly known as the Mega Group after a Wall Street Journal investigative report in May 1998, headlined “Titans of Industry Join Forces To Work for Jewish Philanthropy,” pulled back the curtain on its existence. Annual dues reportedly ran approximately $30,000. Members met twice a year for two-day seminars on philanthropy and Jewish identity. But the guest list alone suggested this was no ordinary study circle.

Members included Les Wexner, Charles Bronfman, Edgar Bronfman Sr., Max Fisher, Michael Steinhardt, Leonard Abramson, Harvey Meyerhoff, Laurence Tisch, Charles Schusterman, Lester Crown, Ronald Lauder, Marvin Lender, and Hollywood director Steven Spielberg. These were men who controlled billions in personal wealth and sat on the boards of the most powerful Jewish organizations in America.

Bronfman’s 1998 Wall Street Journal comment, “From the beginning, we didn’t want to be seen as a threat to anybody… We don’t want to be seen as the Sanhedrin,” functioned as a classic tactical admission. By explicitly citing the ancient Jewish governing body as the image he sought to avoid, he inadvertently confirmed that such a structure of Jewish influence was indeed the functional reality he managed.

Yet critics and investigative journalists described the Mega Group as something far more consequential than a philanthropic book club. It was an informal political machine, a network through which billions in charitable funds could be directed to shape U.S. policy on Israel. Executive Intelligence Review and other outlets reported that the group had contacts with Israeli intelligence and served as a base for influence operations in the United States.

The Wexner Affair

The connection between the Mega Group and Jeffrey Epstein runs directly through Leslie Wexner, Charles Bronfman’s partner in founding the organization. Wexner was Epstein’s most consequential patron. He granted Epstein power of attorney over his personal finances in July 1991, giving Epstein, in Wexner’s own words, “wide latitude to act on my behalf” — effectively making Epstein his personal money manager for years. Epstein exploited Wexner’s network to establish relationships with influential political, business, and philanthropic figures across the globe.

Epstein also used his status as a purported model scout for Wexner’s Victoria’s Secret brand to lure young women into his sex trafficking enterprise. Because Bronfman co-founded the Mega Group with Wexner, and owing to how the group’s membership overlapped extensively with Epstein’s social and financial network, Bronfman’s name appears regularly in analyses of the Epstein web. The connection has raised uncomfortable questions about what the members of this secretive group knew, when they knew it, and what they chose not to see.

A more direct Bronfman family connection runs through Edgar Bronfman Jr., Charles’s nephew, whose name and contact details appear in Epstein’s notorious “little black book,” the private directory of contacts that became public through court disclosures. Edgar Bronfman Sr., Charles’s older brother, is identified in some accounts as one of Epstein’s clients during his years at Bear Stearns in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when Epstein advised wealthy clients on tax mitigation strategies.

Epstein victim Maria Farmer has publicly connected Epstein’s network to the Mega Group and to Leslie Wexner specifically. In a phone interview with journalist Whitney Webb, Farmer described the group as connected through Wexner, whom she called “the head of the snake.”

Perhaps most striking is an observation made by Jeffrey Solomon, the longtime president of the Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies. In a 2019 interview with Inside Philanthropy, Solomon noted that “successful people don’t want to be the ones who have to deal with uncomfortable situations” and drew an explicit parallel between his own role at ACBP and Epstein’s role with Wexner — both served as the person who absorbs uncomfortable decisions so the principal does not have to. “It was very much part of our job to say no so that they don’t have to,” Solomon told Inside Philanthropy.

The Philanthropic Empire

Charles Bronfman extended his influence far beyond business into the institutional architecture of global Jewry. In December 1986, he founded the CRB Foundation, whose twin founding principles were “to enhance Canadianism” and to promote “unity of the Jewish people whose soul is in Jerusalem.” The CRB Foundation was the cornerstone of what became the Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies. Over its 30-year life, ACBP distributed more than $340 million to approximately 1,820 grantees.

The signature achievement of Bronfman’s philanthropic career is Taglit-Birthright Israel, which he co-founded in 1999 alongside Michael Steinhardt, another Mega Group member, in partnership with the Israeli government. The program offers free 10-day educational trips to Israel for young Jewish adults, explicitly designed to strengthen their Jewish identity and connection to the Jewish state. Since its founding, it has sent more than 900,000 young Jews to Israel, making it the world’s largest educational tourism organization.

From 1999 to 2001, Bronfman served as the first chairman of the United Jewish Communities, the merged organization comprising the United Jewish Appeal, the Council of Jewish Federations, and United Israel Appeal. According to Executive Intelligence Review, when his term expired, he was succeeded by a son of Laurence Tisch, another Mega Group charter member.

The philanthropic initiatives born from the Mega Group are substantial. The Partnership for Excellence in Jewish Education, Birthright Israel, and the renewal of Hillel International all emerged from the group’s deliberations. In 2003, the Mega Group hired Republican political consultant Frank Luntz to help members mobilize public support for Israel.

In early 2001, Mega Group members Leonard Abramson, Edgar Bronfman Sr., and Michael Steinhardt launched “Emet,” Hebrew for “truth,” described by its founders as a pro-Israel think tank aimed at improving Israeli public relations in North America. The $7 million initiative — with an additional $1 million pledged from Israel’s Foreign Ministry — drew scrutiny both from Israeli diplomats who felt American Jews were encroaching on their turf and from commentators who questioned whether it would promote a hard-line approach to the peace process.

The Scandals

Bronfman’s career has not been without direct controversy. The most serious and well-documented centers on illegal campaign financing in Israel. In the 1999 Israeli election, Bronfman, along with Jonathan Kolber, the CEO of Koor Industries, allegedly channeled funds through an Israeli non-profit organization called ROVAD to support the campaign of Labor candidate Ehud Barak. A special investigation by Israel’s Registrar of Non-Profit Organizations found that ROVAD was used as a financial pipeline for Barak’s election campaign rather than fulfilling its stated social purpose.

In September 2001, Israeli police opened a formal investigation against Bronfman and Kolber under the Party Financing Law and Non-Profit Organizations Law. Barak’s One Israel party was ultimately fined more than $3 million after the revelation that large amounts of foreign money had been funneled through nonprofits.

This was not an isolated incident. ABC News reported that as early as the 1988 Israeli election, Bronfman had given $1.6 million to Shimon Peres’s campaign, donations that were legal at the time but contributed to the policy environment that eventually led Israel to reform its campaign finance laws to ban foreign contributions to Israeli parties.

Bronfman’s chairmanship of Koor Industries, one of Israel’s largest investment holding companies, ended in significant financial loss. His approximately $500 million investment lost around 70% of its value as the company’s aggressive tech pivot was devastated by the global tech bust. In 1989, Bronfman also joined British press magnate Robert Maxwell in a joint bid to buy a controlling stake in The Jerusalem Post from Koor, which was selling its shares. Maxwell, who would later be widely reported as having ties to Israeli intelligence, described the venture with Bronfman as aimed at “developing The Jerusalem Post and expanding its influence among world Jewry.”

In 2017, the Paradise Papers implicated Stephen Bronfman, Charles’s son and chief Liberal Party fundraiser for Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Documents showed that Stephen’s investment firm Claridge had close business ties to a Cayman Islands trust linked to the Kolber family, raising questions about unpaid taxes. Stephen Bronfman denied any impropriety, stating he and his family “have always conducted themselves in accordance with the highest legal and ethical standards.”

The extended Bronfman family faced its own scandal when Charles’s nieces Clare and Sara Bronfman, daughters of his brother Edgar Sr., became deeply enmeshed in NXIVM. Founded in 1998 by Keith Raniere and Nancy Salzman, NXIVM operated as an ostensible self-improvement organization that prosecutors proved was in reality a criminal enterprise involving sex trafficking, racketeering, and a secret society in which women were branded with Raniere’s initials. Clare spent more than $100 million funding the organization and was sentenced to six years and nine months in federal prison in September 2020 for conspiracy to conceal illegal immigrants and fraudulent use of identification.

The Last Known Meeting

The Mega Group held what is believed to be its last documented meeting on May 3 and 4, 2001, at Edgar Bronfman’s Manhattan mansion. The group operated entirely behind closed doors and received minimal mainstream press attention until its connection to Wexner, and through Wexner to Jeffrey Epstein, brought renewed scrutiny beginning in 2019.

Investigative journalist Whitney Webb and others have reported that Epstein’s connections to suspected Mossad asset Robert Maxwell, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak, and the Mega Group network have raised persistent questions about whether Epstein was working for Israeli intelligence. These questions remain unanswered, and the full truth may never be known.

What is known is that Charles Bronfman, now in his 90s with an estimated net worth of $2.5 billion, remains one of the most consequential figures in the institutional architecture of global Jewry.

In the final accounting, Charles Bronfman is not merely a man of wealth, but a pillar of a shadow-governance structure that has rendered the traditional legislative bodies obsolete. Our elected officials have been reduced to mere stage actors, reciting lines written by an unelected inner circle of organized Jewish interests that treat sovereign nations like proprietary assets. As the Epstein files continue to strip away the veneer of legitimacy from the elite, we are forced to confront an undeniable reality: the levers of state have been seized by a cohesive Jewish network whose loyalties reside solely within their tribe. Recognizing this hostile architecture is the prerequisite for the struggle ahead—a definitive political confrontation, Gentile versus Jew, that is the only path to reclaiming our country.

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In this episode, I detail how the defeat of Viktor Orbán’s at the polls serves as a stark warning about the futility of right-wing populism that remains captured by Zionist bad actors. I also discuss the Iran war quagmire and the rise in anti-Israel …

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño is joined by veteran and activist Nathan Damigo. Damigo peels back the curtain on his journey — from his experiences in the Iraq war to the harsh lessons learned during the legal battles following Charlottesville.

We discuss the myth of the “infiltrator” strategy, why the Republican Party’s structure is fundamentally designed to crush genuine nationalism, and why the “good Jew” narrative is a trap that derails honest advocacy

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This Sunday, April 12, at 8 PM Eastern, I’m going live to break down Israel’s renewed bombing campaign in Lebanon, the fragile Islamabad ceasefire talks, Trump’s $1.5 trillion war budget gutting domestic programs, the collapse of US military bases across the Gulf, and the March CPI surge driven by the biggest gasoline price spike since 1967.

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The American electorate handed Donald Trump a mandate in 2024 with the clear expectation of carrying out mass deportations and taking a hard line against illegal immigration. Yet as the dust settles, a significant legislative rug pull appears to be in the works. Voters who demanded restriction are finding their goals undermined by supposed allies like Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY), who has emerged as a key cog in the machine that seeks to invite the world while involving America in every foreign conflict. Lawler currently serves as a lead co-sponsor of the Dignity Act, a piece of legislation that many critics view as a betrayal of the very people who sent him to Washington.

The Making of a Shabbos Goy

Lawler represents New York’s 17th Congressional District, a region encompassing Rockland, Putnam, and parts of Westchester and Dutchess Counties. While he markets himself as an effective lawmaker — ranking 8th overall in the House during his first term — his legislative priorities suggest a deeper allegiance to Jewish interests over local constituents. His biography shows a man deeply embedded in the political establishment long before he reached Congress. Born in Suffern, New York, he earned a degree in accounting and finance from Manhattan College, where he was named valedictorian. He served as Executive Director of the New York State Republican Party and worked as a senior advisor to Westchester County Executive Rob Astorino. He even served as a delegate to the 2016 Republican National Convention for Donald Trump.

After defeating Democrat Sean Patrick Maloney in 2022, Lawler quickly pivoted from his local roots to become a primary driver of controversial immigration and foreign policy initiatives. He currently holds influential positions as the Vice Chair of Communications for the House Financial Services Committee and the Chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa for the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Despite his district having 75,000 more registered Democrats than Republicans, Lawler has navigated this political landscape by cultivating deep ties with specific interest groups rather than adhering to the immigration restrictionist ethos of the average Republican voter.

Amnesty Under the Guise of “Dignity”

The Dignity Act represents Lawler’s most significant push for what conservative critics call “rank amnesty.” Introduced by Rep. María Elvira Salazar (R-FL) and co-led with Rep. Veronica Escobar (D-TX), with Lawler as a founding co-sponsor, the 2025 bill proposes a path to legal status for millions of illegal aliens through a seven-year Dignity Program granting renewable work authorization and deportation protection, conditional on restitution payments and good conduct. Lawler defends this by pointing to his wife, Doina, a naturalized citizen from Moldova, and arguing that “our immigration system should be based on the economic needs of the country.”

The New York congressman has an extensive track record of advocating for immigration expansion. In February 2026, Lawler co-led a bipartisan letter alongside Rep. Yvette Clarke (D-NY) signed by 100 members of Congress urging DHS Secretary Kristi Noem to exempt the healthcare sector from a $100,000 H-1B visa fee. He then introduced the H-1Bs for Physicians and the Healthcare Workforce Act to remove the fee entirely for medical professionals. He has also advocated for Haitian nationals, introducing H.R. 1689 to mandate Temporary Protected Status and collaborated with Sen. Chuck Schumer’s office to release a Haitian student from ICE detention.

Conservative backlash has been severe. The Daily Caller described Lawler as “attempting to resurrect an amnesty plan that was shut down before it could even take off.” Rep. Brandon Gill (R-TX) noted that “Dignity for Americans — the people whose interests we represent — should come first, not illegal aliens.” Despite this, Lawler enjoys the support of over 85 organizations, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Business Roundtable, and FWD.us, many of which benefit from expanded immigration.

High-Finance and Special Interests Funding

Lawler’s legislative agenda is fueled in part by significant contributions from pro-Israel lobbies. According to OpenSecrets, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee was his all-time top donor, contributing $392,669 during the 2023-2024 cycle — $382,669 from individuals affiliated with the group and $10,000 from its PAC. Cumulative funding from the Israel lobby totals approximately $2,679,471, including contributions from groups like NORPAC and the Republican Jewish Coalition. For the 2023-2024 cycle, the Israel lobby became Lawler’s 4th-largest contributing sector, making him the #20 top recipient of such money in all of Congress.

Beyond the Israel lobby, Lawler receives significant financial support from major private equity and hedge fund firms run by individuals of Jewish extraction. Elliott Management, a hedge fund founded by Paul Singer, contributed $46,350 to his campaign during the 2023-2024 cycle. Apollo Global Management, established by Marc Rowan, Leon Black, and Josh Harris, contributed $42,701. The Blackstone Group, co-founded by Stephen Schwarzman, contributed $41,919. Fortress Investment Group contributed $29,700.

Deep Ties to Chabad and the Orthodox Jewish Community

Lawler has cultivated strong relationships with local Chabad emissaries, a move that helped him secure significant support in Rockland County, home to one of the largest Orthodox and Hasidic populations in the nation. On October 14, 2024, Lawler visited the Ohel in Queens, the resting place of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, accompanied by Rabbi Chaim Tzvi Ehrenreich and Rabbi Shmuel Gancz, to reaffirm his commitment to Israel. In March 2026, he issued proclamations to all 11 Chabad-Lubavitch rabbis in his region in honor of Education and Sharing Day, USA — more than any other public official, according to COLlive.

He regularly attends Chabad events throughout his district and participated in the International Kinus Hashluchim, the annual gathering of emissaries. During a town hall in Rockland County in November 2023, Lawler declared that “Hamas must be eliminated” while criticizing colleagues who used the phrase “from the river to the sea.” This relationship with the Haredi community formed a cornerstone of his 2022 election victory, as he won with significant Orthodox support in a district that leans heavily Democratic.

Invade the World, Invite the World: Lawler’s Ethos

As the lead House sponsor of the Antisemitism Awareness Act, Lawler has pushed for the Department of Education to adopt the IHRA definition of antisemitism to enforce anti-discrimination laws. This legislation passed the House with a 320-91 vote in May 2024 but stalled in the Senate. Lawler also co-authored the Special Envoy for the Abraham Accords Act with Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY), which was signed into law as part of the FY24 NDAA. He remains an active member of the Abraham Accords Caucus and the House Republican Israel Caucus.

Lawler views the relationship between China and Iran as a major strategic threat and introduced the Indo-Pacific Treaty Organization Act to evaluate a NATO-style defense alliance in the region. He co-authored the Iran-China Energy Sanctions Act with Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ) to target Chinese financial institutions purchasing Iranian oil, which passed the House 383-11 in April 2024, and voted for the foreign aid package for Ukraine and Israel that same month. In March 2026, he passed the Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act through the House by voice vote, authorizing sanctions on all entities enabling Iran’s illicit oil trade.

This “invade the world” foreign policy is perfectly mirrored by his “invite the world” immigration stance, supported by groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the FWD.us lobbying organization. While he supports strikes against Iranian military assets and opposed the Khanna-Massie Iran War Powers Resolution, he simultaneously fights to exempt foreign healthcare workers from a $100,000 H-1B visa fee imposed on their sector.

By consistently maneuvering to funnel American blood and treasure into foreign conflicts that empower world Jewry, while simultaneously fast-tracking the demographic displacement of the nation that elected him, Lawler has cemented his status as the perfect instrument of Jewish interests. He is a betrayal in human form, a politician who has turned his back on his own constituents to facilitate the systematic dilution of the gentile population in favor of an alien regime that holds only contempt for traditional American values.

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10 days before a national election, with secretly recorded videos of government officials circulating online and former Israeli intelligence operatives confirmed to have visited opposition party headquarters, Slovenia abruptly reversed its decision to join South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice.

The official explanation pointed to national security concerns. Slovenian officials warned that joining could “jeopardize Slovenia’s national security,” citing the uncomfortable reality that many of the country’s cyber defense systems are of Israeli origin. They noted that Israeli authorities play a crucial role in facilitating Slovenian humanitarian operations in Gaza and in evacuating Slovenian nationals from the Middle East.

Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon expressed regret, calling the internal debate “quite emotional and exhausting.” When asked about external pressure, Fajon acknowledged, “It is clear that these pressures exist, we are all subjected to them by superpowers, and ultimately this must be taken into account when deciding.”

What Fajon did not say, but what Slovenian intelligence would confirm days later, was that operatives from Black Cube, a private intelligence firm founded by former Israeli military intelligence officers and advised by former Mossad chiefs, had been operating on Slovenian soil for months. They had visited the headquarters of the opposition party. They had lured government officials into staged meetings using a fictitious British investment fund. They had secretly recorded them.

Almost nobody in the English-speaking world covered it.

In the annals of intelligence operations that never quite make the headlines, few stories rival what unfolded in Slovenia between December 2025 and March 2026. A small European nation of two million people found itself at the center of geopolitical intrigue involving former Israeli military intelligence officers, fictitious investment funds, secretly recorded politicians, and a last-minute reversal that may have saved Slovenia from whatever consequences Israel had in store.

A Relationship Built on Trade and Transformed by War

Israel and Slovenia established diplomatic relations on April 28, 1992, shortly after Slovenia declared independence from Yugoslavia. For decades the relationship remained cordial if unremarkable, built on a bilateral investment protection agreement signed in 1998 and a double taxation treaty signed in 2007, along with occasional state visits. Israeli President Shimon Peres visited Ljubljana in 2010. Slovenia designated Hezbollah a terrorist organization in November 2020, treating the group in its entirety as a “criminal and terrorist organization posing a threat to peace and security” — notably declining to distinguish between Hezbollah’s military and political wings as most EU countries had done.

The relationship strengthened under conservative Prime Minister Janez Janša, who governed from 2020 to 2022. Janša cultivated close personal ties with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and ordered the Israeli flag raised over his party headquarters during a moment of crisis. In December 2020, Janša traveled to Israel and met with representatives of five Israeli companies, including the controversial spyware firm NSO Group, according to Slovenian investigative outlet Oštro. The Slovenian government confirmed the meeting but stated no deals were concluded.

In August 2021, Slovenia’s Government Information Security Office signed a cybersecurity cooperation memorandum with the Israeli National Cyber Directorate. The country purchased Spike missiles from Rafael and received armored vehicle components from Elbit Systems in contracts stretching back to the 1990s.

Then came October 2023 and the war in Gaza.

The Golob Pivot

When center-left Robert Golob unseated Janša in 2022, Slovenia’s posture toward Israel began shifting. After the Gaza war erupted, the transformation became dramatic.

Slovenia became the first European nation to join the ICJ advisory opinion proceedings on Israel’s control of occupied territories in January 2024, submitting written comments while other EU states held back. On June 4, 2024, Slovenia officially recognized the State of Palestine. In July 2025, the country declared Israeli ministers Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich persona non grata, becoming the first EU member state to do so. On July 31, 2025, Slovenia announced a comprehensive arms embargo covering import, export, and transit of all weapons to and from Israel, again the first EU member state to take such action.

In September 2025, Slovenia banned Netanyahu himself from entering the country, the first EU nation to do so, citing the ICC arrest warrant. By early 2026, Slovenia was preparing to join South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the ICJ. Foreign Minister Tanja Fajon expressed strong support.

Then everything changed.

The Black Cube Files

Black Cube, officially BC Strategy Ltd, describes itself as “the world’s leading intelligence firm” staffed by “veterans of elite Israeli Intelligence Units.” Founded in 2010 by Dan Zorella, a former IDF Military Intelligence officer, and Dr. Avi Yanus, a former IDF strategic planning officer, the firm operates in over 75 countries and employs more than 100 investigators fluent in 30 languages.

The firm’s advisory board reads like a who’s who of Israeli intelligence. Meir Dagan, the former Mossad chief who ran the agency from 2002 to 2011, served as Black Cube’s honorary president until his death in 2016 and was heavily involved in the firm from its earliest stages. Other advisory board members include Efraim Halevy, another former Mossad head, and Major General Giora Eiland, former head of the Israeli National Security Council.

Black Cube became globally infamous through the Harvey Weinstein scandal. The film producer hired the firm, reportedly on a referral from former Israeli PM Ehud Barak, to suppress sexual harassment allegations. Black Cube agents tracked journalists investigating Weinstein, including Ronan Farrow of The New Yorker and Jodi Kantor of The New York Times. They targeted accusers, particularly Rose McGowan, using an operative who posed as a women’s rights supporter. The explicit contract goal, as Farrow documented in his Pulitzer Prize-winning reporting, was to “completely stop the publication of a new negative article in a leading NY newspaper.”

The firm also saw five employees convicted in Romania — two lower-level operatives arrested in 2016 and three company founders including Zorella and Yanus in 2022 — for targeting the country’s chief anticorruption prosecutor, Laura Codruța Kövesi, through hacking and harassment. Black Cube conducted operations targeting researchers at Citizen Lab who were investigating NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware. The firm was also hired to find compromising material on architects of the Obama-era Iran nuclear deal, including former officials Colin Kahl and Ben Rhodes, according to NBC News.

And then Black Cube turned its attention to Slovenia.

Spies in Ljubljana

Between December 10 and 11, 2025, three Black Cube representatives arrived in Slovenia. According to the Slovenian government and ABC News, the three operatives were Dan Zorella, the firm’s co-founder, Liron Tzur, and Giora Eiland, the former head of Israel’s National Security Council who sits on Black Cube’s advisory board. Flight records and intelligence data confirmed they visited Trstenjakova Street No. 8 in Ljubljana, where Janša’s Slovenian Democratic Party maintains its headquarters.

On December 22, 2025, senior Black Cube figures reportedly met with Janša himself. The opposition leader later admitted to having “contacts with an adviser from the Israeli private intelligence agency Black Cube” but denied doing anything illegal.

Between January and March 2026, Black Cube operatives posing as representatives of a fictitious British investment fund called “Stockard Capital” lured Slovenian political figures into staged business meetings in Vienna and other locations, secretly recording them. Among the targets was former Justice Minister Dominika Švarc Pipan.

Roughly ten days before the election, an anonymous website called anti-corruption2026.com appeared online, publishing edited videos of government figures including officials from Golob’s Freedom Movement party. The content was described by analyst Lily Lynch as “more embarrassing than criminal.”

On March 16, 2026, Slovenian investigative journalist Borut Mekina of Mladina presented findings at a press conference with civil society researchers linking Black Cube to the secretly recorded videos and to Janša’s party. The following day, Prime Minister Golob accused “foreign services” of interfering in the election, calling it “the biggest scandal we have witnessed in Slovenia since independence.”

“Clear-Cut Interference”

On March 22, 2026, Slovenia held its parliamentary elections. Golob’s Freedom Movement party narrowly defeated Janša’s SDS despite the scandal.

French President Emmanuel Macron stated that Golob “was the victim of clear-cut interference” by “third countries” and misinformation, according to Euronews.

On March 26, 2026, SOVA, the Slovenian Intelligence and Security Agency, “unequivocally confirmed the activity of foreign influence” on the elections. Agency chief Joško Kadivnik presented material evidence linking the three Black Cube operatives to the SDS headquarters visit and demonstrating “counterintelligence operations against the Republic of Slovenia and foreign interference in Slovenian elections.”

The evidence was handed to prosecutors and police.

The Dependency Trap

The Slovenia episode illuminates a dynamic rarely discussed in Western capitals. Israeli defense and cybersecurity firms have quietly embedded themselves into the security infrastructure of allied nations, creating dependencies that carry geopolitical weight.

Slovenia procured Elbit Systems weapon stations and turrets for its Patria AMV armored vehicle program in 2007. It purchased Spike anti-tank missiles from Rafael in multiple transactions, including a $6.6 million deal for 50 Spike LR2 missiles in September 2022. It signed a cybersecurity memorandum with Israel’s National Cyber Directorate in 2021.

Yet despite declaring a full arms embargo in July 2025, a Haaretz investigation in August 2025 revealed that Slovenia purchased €828,000 in Israeli military equipment in 2024 and continued planning to acquire Spike missiles through EuroSpike, a joint venture between Rafael and German defense firms Rheinmetall and Diehl that manufactures the missiles in Germany.

Israel’s influence operations demonstrate that a country’s sovereignty is only as secure as its gatekeepers. A truly free nation must ensure that Israeli nationals and their intelligence assets are permanently barred from setting foot on its soil.

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In this episode, I detail the ongoing labor displacement of native-born workers, the failure of the Republican Party to enact any real immigration restriction, and the United States’ deepening military-industrial crisis as Iran continues to effective…

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Within the clandestine world of American intelligence throughout the Cold War, no figure embodied the moral contradictions of the era more completely than Sidney Gottlieb. Known within the CIA as the “Black Sorcerer” and later dubbed the “Poisoner in Chief” by journalist Stephen Kinzer — whose 2019 book of that title is the definitive account of his career — Sidney Gottlieb was a biochemist who spent two decades running the agency’s most disturbing programs while searching for ways to control the human mind.

He was a man of paradoxes. He stuttered his entire life. He practiced folk dancing and raised goats on a Virginia farm. He later volunteered at a leprosy hospital in India. Yet as Kinzer documented in his NPR interview, Gottlieb’s experiments on “expendable” human subjects destroyed countless lives — conducted with virtually no oversight and what amounted to a license to kill.

Early Life and Background

Gottlieb was born in the Bronx on August 3, 1918, to Orthodox Jewish immigrant parents from Hungary — his actual birth name was Sidney Gottlieb, not the pseudonym “Joseph Scheider” he later used when testifying before the Church Committee. He stuttered severely from childhood and was born with a club foot, both of which shaped his driven, intensely self-reliant personality. Despite these challenges, he excelled academically, earning a doctorate in biochemistry from the California Institute of Technology in 1943.

In his university years at Wisconsin, he joined the Young People’s Socialist League, reflecting early left-wing political sympathies. He was rejected from military service in World War II due to his club foot and instead sought ways to serve the government through scientific work.

Career at the CIA

Gottlieb joined the CIA on July 13, 1951, hired by then-Deputy Director for Operations Allen Dulles on the recommendation of Ira Baldwin, who had founded and run the biowarfare program at Fort Detrick. He quickly rose to head the Chemical Division of the Technical Services Staff, becoming the agency’s top drug expert and clandestine scientist.

According to the National Security Archive, the Technical Services Staff under Gottlieb’s leadership built worldwide technical capabilities critical to virtually all significant U.S. clandestine operations over two decades. He was also the CIA’s chief supplier of spy gadgets and tools, running a vast technical division.

MKUltra The Mind Control Program

Gottlieb is most notoriously associated with Project MKUltra, formally approved on April 13, 1953, co-authored in memorandum with Richard Helms and greenlighted by Allen Dulles. The program sought to develop mind control techniques through drugs, hypnosis, electroshock, sensory deprivation, and torture, motivated by Cold War fears that the Soviets and Chinese had already mastered brainwashing.

As MKUltra’s director, Gottlieb was reportedly granted six percent of the CIA’s entire operating budget with no oversight or accounting. The initial MKULTRA budget authorization “exempted the program from the normal CIA financial controls” and allowed research projects to begin “without the signing of the usual contracts or other written agreements.” Confirmed by Senate records, the program encompassed 149 subprojects across more than 80 institutions — including 44 colleges and universities, 15 research foundations and pharmaceutical companies, 12 hospitals or clinics, and 3 penal institutions. Gottlieb developed clandestine relationships with these entities using CIA front organizations to obscure the agency’s involvement.

Per the National Security Archive, methods included covert LSD administration to unwitting subjects — CIA employees, military personnel, prisoners, hospital patients, and members of the public — in what Gottlieb called experiments on “expendables.”

Gottlieb established Operation Midnight Climax, setting up CIA-funded safehouses in New York and San Francisco where, as Kinzer recounts, prostitutes lured men who were then secretly dosed with LSD while federal agents filmed their reactions from behind one-way mirrors. He directed brutal experiments at secret detention centers in Japan, Germany, and the Philippines.

When Gottlieb testified before the Church Committee in October 1975 — appearing under the pseudonym “Joseph Scheider” — he acknowledged that the CIA had conducted experiments on subjects who were dosed without their knowledge, and conceded the program had produced “as many failures as successes.”

Gottlieb inadvertently helped popularize LSD in America. As Kinzer told NPR, among those who first encountered the drug through CIA-sponsored experiments were author Ken Kesey — who took LSD at the Menlo Park Veterans’ Hospital and later wrote One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest — and poet Allen Ginsberg, who participated in experiments at Stanford. Kinzer called Gottlieb the “unwitting godfather of the entire LSD counterculture.”

Assassination Plots

Beyond mind control, Gottlieb served as the CIA’s chief “poisoner,” designing lethal and debilitating weapons for use against foreign leaders. As the National Security Archive’s publication of Gottlieb’s newly declassified Church Committee testimony confirms, investigators questioned him extensively about a CIA Inspector General report covering plots against Fidel Castro. These schemes ranged from spraying Castro’s broadcast booth with airborne LSD to contaminating his footwear with thallium salts intended to cause beard loss, along with a toxic cigar, a fungus-infected diving suit, an explosive seashell rigged to blow up during his underwater activities, and a lethal writing instrument. Kinzer’s account in his NPR interview describes these as part of a years-long stream of plots that Gottlieb orchestrated or supplied.

For Congolese Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, Gottlieb personally transported toxic biological materials to the CIA station in the Congo in 1960, intending them to be placed on Lumumba’s toothbrush. CIA station chief Larry Devlin reportedly declined the assignment. Lumumba was later overthrown and killed in a military coup.

When the Church Committee asked Gottlieb whether he had discussed “various technical means of killing a foreign leader,” Gottlieb replied simply, “Yes.”

The Frank Olson Affair

One of the most chilling episodes linked to Gottlieb was the death of Frank Olson, an Army bacteriologist and biological warfare specialist. At a CIA retreat at Deep Creek Lake in rural Maryland on November 19, 1953, Gottlieb secretly dosed Olson’s after-dinner Cointreau with LSD without his knowledge. Nine days later, Olson plunged to his death from a window of the Hotel Statler in New York City.

The government initially ruled it a suicide and later termed it a “misadventure.” Olson’s family has long maintained he was murdered to prevent him from exposing CIA secrets. President Gerald Ford personally apologized to the family, and the family accepted a $750,000 settlement. Dick Cheney, then serving as Ford’s deputy chief of staff, wrote a memo to Donald Rumsfeld warning that any lawsuit “might be necessary to disclose high-level classified national security information.” The story was later dramatized in Errol Morris’s Netflix documentary series Wormwood.

Destruction of Records

As Gottlieb prepared to retire in 1973, he and CIA Director Richard Helms oversaw the destruction of the bulk of the MKUltra files. In his congressional testimony, Helms justified the destruction by saying there “had been relationships with outsiders in government agencies and other organizations and that they would be sensitive in this kind of a thing,” adding that he wanted to ensure that “anybody who assisted us in the past would not be subject to follow up, or questions, embarrassment, if you will.”

As the National Security Archive documents, the shredding meant that much of what Gottlieb actually did remains permanently unknown. Some files survived only because they had been misfiled in a financial records building and were discovered following a FOIA request in 1977, becoming the foundation of the subsequent congressional investigations.

The Church Committee and Congressional Reckoning

MKUltra was first publicly exposed when Seymour Hersh published a front-page investigation in The New York Times on December 22, 1974, triggering the Senate investigations that brought the program fully into the open through the Church Committee in 1975. Gottlieb testified under his CIA alias “Joseph Scheider” offering terse and carefully limited answers to senators’ questions.

He admitted to participating in interrogations where drugs were administered, acknowledged planning assassination methods with CIA operations chief Richard Bissell, and described LSD’s effects in vague terms. As the National Security Archive detailed, Gottlieb’s memory was “suspiciously fuzzy for a man who had only been retired from the CIA for a couple of years.” His attorney had negotiated immunity in exchange for his testimony. Gottlieb was never criminally charged for any of his activities.

Have His Methods Continued to Be Used by the CIA?

There is substantial evidence that Gottlieb’s techniques evolved into documented interrogation frameworks used by the CIA for decades after MKUltra was formally shut down. MKUltra techniques were codified into the KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation Manual in 1963, a 128-page CIA document whose coercive interrogation chapters cover “deprivation of sensory stimuli, threats and fear, pain, hypnosis and narcosis,” drawing directly on research conducted under MKUltra. The CIA’s Human Resource Exploitation Training Manual of 1983 was an updated version of KUBARK, used to train military forces in Latin American countries, including Honduras, where it was linked to the Battalion 3-16 death squad that kidnapped, tortured, and murdered prisoners.

After September 11, 2001, the CIA hired psychologist contractors James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen, paid $81 million, to develop an interrogation regime euphemistically called “enhanced interrogation techniques.” These included waterboarding, sleep deprivation, confinement in coffin-like boxes, shackling, and exposure to extreme temperatures — techniques with direct lineage to MKUltra research. As Kinzer wrote, cited in the National Security Archive, the CIA’s behavior control research programs “contributed decisively to the development of techniques that Americans and their allies used at detention centers in Vietnam, Latin America, Afghanistan, Iraq, Guantanamo Bay, and secret prisons around the world.”

The Declassified JFK Files

Newly unredacted documents from the JFK assassination files, released by the Trump administration in March 2025, reveal Church Committee testimony from James Angleton, the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence, in which Gottlieb’s name surfaced in the context of allegations about nuclear knowledge transfers to Israel. The testimony, given in a top-secret executive session on June 19, 1975, had previously been heavily redacted.

According to the newly unredacted transcript, as annotated by Auribus Arrectis and reported by The American Conservative, journalist Tad Szulc had made cryptic references to “Sidney X” during a private meeting with Angleton. When Angleton explained to the committee who “Sidney X” was, he identified Gottlieb in two ways: first by name and role — “Now, that man’s name is Sidney Gottlieb. And he was the head of our technical services department, which means that there is a cross plant in our business. And the man who was bugging and performing all the hundreds of technical services, has access, unfortunately, to many of our operations” — and then by relaying what Szulc had said: “And Sidney X. And Sidney X is Sidney Gottlieb, who was one of our technical employees who retired, and is now in Australia... And he was bicycling in India.”

Both Szulc and Hersh had independently received intelligence suggesting Angleton had been “instrumental in acquiring plutonium for the Israelis.” Angleton relayed this to the committee in his own words, describing how the two journalists had compared notes and “discovered that each had had separate sources that I had been instrumental in acquiring plutonium for the Israelis, and as a follow-up, to help the Israelis on their know-how by sending Dr. Mann to Israel clandestinely.”

His formal denials to the committee were categorical on their face. When committee counsel Frederick Schwarz asked directly whether the CIA had “directly or indirectly transferred any atomic technology or know-how to Israel,” Angleton answered: “From my knowledge, the answer is an absolute no.” When Sen. Howard Baker (R-TN) pressed him further — asking whether “every material aspect of that statement was wrong” — Angleton again said “Yes.”

Those denials, however, exist alongside significant contradictory evidence in the same record. Szulc’s own sworn testimony to the committee, given just days earlier on June 10, directly contradicts Angleton — Szulc stated that when he had approached Angleton privately, Angleton had essentially confirmed the substance of the story, correcting only the timeframe and denying solely the plutonium component.

And as The Grayzone reported, a 1975 Angleton memo to the FBI separately disclosed that he had “avoided any direct answers” during his Senate testimony on Israel’s nuclear intelligence collection. When Schwarz pressed him about whether CIA counterintelligence had “certain knowledge” of Israeli agents attempting to acquire nuclear secrets in the United States, Angleton’s response was: “Do I have to respond to that?” — before the committee went off the record.

Later Life and Legacy

After retiring from the CIA in 1973, Gottlieb underwent a remarkable personal transformation. He and his wife spent 18 months running a leper hospital in India, then settled on a farm in rural Virginia where he raised goats. A stutterer since childhood, he earned a master’s degree in speech therapy from San Jose State University and spent 11 years working as a speech-language pathologist in middle schools and high schools in California. He spent his final years in Washington, Virginia, doing hospice work tending to the dying.

He died on March 7, 1999, at his home in Washington, Virginia, never having been convicted of any crime. His wife declined to disclose the cause of death. Lawsuits from MKUltra victims and their families continued to haunt him until the end.

Sidney Gottlieb was a quintessential product of the post-war era, leveraging the vast, unaccountable powers of the CIA to brutalize the innocent while remaining shielded by the very systems he helped build. Despite his facade of humble repentance, Gottlieb’s career exemplifies how his kinfolk seized the levers of American power to secure a world tailored to the interests of organized Jewry.

In practice, Gottlieb served as the architect of a sadistic apparatus, ensuring the CIA remained the lethal vanguard for the preservation of the Judeo-American empire

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Icons in this country are not built to last; they are built to be liquidated the moment they become a liability to the current power structure. The sudden, systemic erasure of Cesar Chavez proves that even the most celebrated heroes of the left are only one “investigation” away from total annihilation.

In March 2026, a New York Times investigation revealed what may be the final blow to the legacy of Cesar Chavez. Based on interviews with over 60 individuals and supported by hundreds of pages of union documents, confidential emails, photographs, and recordings, the report alleged that Chavez sexually abused at least two underage girls in the 1970s, sexually assaulted his longtime collaborator Dolores Huerta, and sexually harassed other women throughout his decades leading the United Farm Workers.

The United Farm Workers announced it would not participate in Cesar Chavez Day celebrations on March 31, 2026, describing the allegations as “profoundly shocking” and “incompatible with our organization’s values.” Events honoring Chavez were canceled in Tucson, Houston, Corpus Christi, San Antonio, San Bernardino, and Austin. California Governor Gavin Newsom stated “none of us knew” and planned to discuss renaming Cesar Chavez Day with lawmakers. Two of California’s top lawmakers announced they want to rename sites bearing his name.

These sweeping acts of historical erasure aim to turn Chavez into a non-person, but they ignore the gritty, complicated reality of a man who rose from the absolute bottom of the American social hierarchy. The trajectory of that rise—from the dispossession of his family farm to the grueling life of a migrant laborer—is where the real story begins.

The Making of an Organizer

Cesario Estrada Chavez was born on March 31, 1927, near Yuma, Arizona, to a Mexican American family that owned a small farm and grocery store. The Great Depression shattered this stability. The family farmstead was auctioned for back taxes in 1939, a formative injustice that Chavez would carry for the rest of his life. The Chavez family migrated to California and became itinerant agricultural laborers, picking avocados, peas, and grapes while living in a garage near San Jose.

Young Cesar attended segregated schools, faced poverty, and left after eighth grade to work the fields full time. He served in the U.S. Navy from 1944 to 1946, encountering discrimination there as well. After the war he married Helen Fabela in 1948 and continued farm work while seeking ways to challenge the conditions he and other laborers faced.

In 1952, Chavez was recruited into the Community Service Organization, a Mexican American civil rights group linked to Saul Alinsky’s Industrial Areas Foundation. He became a skilled organizer focused on voter registration and fighting police abuse. By 1958 he was the CSO’s general director in California. But when the organization refused to prioritize creating a farmworkers’ union, Chavez resigned in 1962.

That same year, he moved to Delano, California, with his family and fellow organizer Dolores Huerta. Together they founded the National Farm Workers Association, positioning it as a broad “movement” for dignity rather than just a trade union. The organization adopted the motto “Viva La Causa” and a black eagle flag that would become iconic.

The Delano Grape Strike and National Triumph

The defining chapter of Chavez’s career began on September 8, 1965, when Filipino grape workers in Delano, organized under the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee and led by Larry Itliong, walked off the fields and launched a strike against local growers. The NFWA faced a choice — join the strike or break it. Despite reservations about readiness, on September 16, Mexican Independence Day, NFWA members voted overwhelmingly to stand with the Filipino workers. The resulting coalition turned a wage dispute into a multiracial labor struggle that would run five years.

In August 1966, the NFWA and AWOC merged to form what became the United Farm Workers, with Chavez as its central leader. The UFW launched a nationwide consumer boycott of California table grapes in 1968, connecting the farmworkers’ cause to the wider civil rights and anti-poverty movements of the era. Organizers fanned out across the country, and liberal consumers stopped buying grapes in solidarity, with union workers in California dockyards letting non-union grapes rot in port rather than loading them.

Deeply influenced by Catholic social teaching and Gandhi, Chavez insisted on nonviolence and used public fasts to dramatize the cause. In February 1968, he began a 25-day fast framed explicitly as penance — a reaffirmation of the movement’s commitment to peaceful protest after some members had turned to violence. On March 10, Senator Robert F. Kennedy flew to Delano to participate in the outdoor Mass that ended the fast, and the two men broke bread together in one of the most photographed moments of the American labor movement.

On July 29, 1970, Delano grape growers finally capitulated, signing contracts that included wage increases, health plans, and collective bargaining rights for tens of thousands of workers. The UFW’s organizing helped produce California’s 1975 Agricultural Labor Relations Act — the first law in United States history granting farmworkers the right to organize and bargain collectively, enacted forty years after the National Labor Relations Act had deliberately excluded them from its protections.

Chavez became one of the most visible Latino leaders of the 20th century. After his death in 1993, he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously. Schools, streets, parks, and a naval vessel were named in his honor. President Obama designated the UFW’s Keene, California compound as the Cesar E. Chavez National Monument. President Biden placed a bust of Chavez in the Oval Office.

The official story ended there. The actual story was far more complicated.

The Immigration Hardliner

From the founding of the NFWA in 1962 through the mid-1970s, Chavez held views on illegal immigration that would be unrecognizable to most of his contemporary admirers. His opposition was rooted in labor economics: illegal workers were routinely used by growers to break strikes and depress wages, and their desperate circumstances made them willing to accept conditions that directly undermined the UFW’s bargaining position. Chavez used the slur “wetbacks” — common parlance in that era — and was relentless in pursuing the deportation of illegal workers already in the fields.

The UFW took concrete enforcement actions that would be unthinkable from a progressive labor leader today. In testimony before the House Education and Labor Committee on October 1, 1969, Chavez stated plainly: “A year ago we assigned many of our organizers to do nothing but to check on the law violators coming from Mexico to break our strikes. We gave the Immigration and Naturalization Services and the Border Patrol stacks and stacks of information.” Chavez and the union actively demanded that the workers they identified be deported.

Most controversially, by 1974 Chavez had dispatched his cousin Manuel Chavez to organize what the union called “wet lines” — a private border patrol operation along the stretch of border between Yuma, Arizona and San Luis, Mexico. As Miriam Pawel, Pulitzer-winning journalist and author of The Crusades of Cesar Chavez, documented, the operation employed roughly 300 UFW members and cost $80,000 a week at its peak. It was intended to intercept unauthorized crossers and force them to turn back, pressuring lemon growers who were resisting a UFW strike. The patrols turned violent quickly. Reports surfaced in papers on both sides of the border of crossers being beaten and robbed.

Chavez himself summarized the logic bluntly: “If we can get the illegals out of California, we will win the strike overnight.”This stance put Chavez in direct conflict with other Chicano leaders. Bert Corona, a prominent labor organizer and founder of the Hermandad Mexicana Nacional, argued that illegal alien workers should be organized and protected rather than scapegoated. Corona and others cautioned Chavez that alienating illegal aliens was “a disastrous mistake” — that he was making enemies of people who were natural allies in the broader struggle for class and social justice

The Evolution

By the mid-1970s, Chavez’s stance was increasingly out of step with the broader Mexican American civil rights movement. In 1974, when Attorney General William Saxbe announced a plan to deport one million illegal immigrants and claimed the UFW supported the proposal, Chicano activists erupted. Chavez publicly denied backing the deportation plan — and in a November 1974 letter to the San Francisco Examiner, later recovered and published by Latino Rebels, he wrote that illegal workers “are our brothers and sisters” and called for amnesty and legal residency. The letter revealed a more complicated picture than the hardline rhetoric of the Illegals Campaign suggested, even as that campaign continued.

A formal institutional shift came in 1975, when the UFW insisted that illegal alien workers enjoy the same protections and rights as other farmworkers under California’s newly passed Agricultural Labor Relations Act. By the 1980s, Chavez’s position had substantially evolved. He supported the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, which granted amnesty to roughly three million illegal immigrants nationwide. The UFW, as the union’s own account documents, played a central role in fashioning the law’s amnesty provisions, which allowed approximately one million illegal alien farmworkers specifically to become legal residents.

Gaspar Rivera-Salgado, project director at the UCLA Labor Center and a leading scholar of farmworker and immigrant labor movements described the arc this way: “Chavez’s position on undocumented immigrants evolved from being opposed and aligning with the immigration authorities to deport undocumented workers to eventually coming around and defending immigrants and amnesty. It’s important to be aware that even our heroes sometimes evolve and have a change of heart, a change of mind and strategy.”

The more critical view, advanced by researchers drawing on archival work at the Duke University Human Rights Center, holds that Chavez was “rigid and unwilling to consider that the issue was more complicated” and that “by alienating immigrants, by focusing on the wrong ‘enemy,’ and by refusing to consider the advice of knowledgeable and forward-thinking people, Chavez and his union contributed to a toxic and troubling trend of immigrants scapegoating and internal fracturing” — a legacy the UFW has struggled to overcome even as it has moved toward a posture more amenable to the Judeo-Left.

None of it — not the amnesty advocacy, not the posthumous monuments, not the Oval Office bust — inoculated Chavez against what the Judeo-Left’s own reckoning would eventually produce. In March 2026, the New York Times published a five-year investigation by reporters Manny Fernandez and Sarah Hurtes, based on interviews with more than 60 people and a review of hundreds of pages of union records, confidential emails, and audio recordings, that upended Chavez’s legacy entirely.

Ana Murguia, now 66, told the Times she was allegedly groomed by Chavez beginning at ages 8 or 9. Her first sexual encounter with him occurred when she was 13, in his office at La Paz. He locked the door, told her how lonely he had been, guided her onto the yoga mat he used for meditation, kissed her, and pulled down her pants. “Don’t tell anyone,” he said afterward. “They’d get jealous.” She was summoned dozens of times over the following four years. By 15, as the Arizona Mirror reported, she had developed a heroin addiction and made multiple suicide attempts.

Debra Rojas, also 66, told the Times Chavez first touched her inappropriately at 12. At 15, during the UFW’s 1975 1,000-Mile March, he arranged for her to stay at a motel in Stockton, picked her up, and raped her — rape under California law, given her age. He placed a gun on the nightstand, which frightened her each time she glanced at it.

Some of the most explosive allegations came from Dolores Huerta herself. In a statement released after the investigation’s publication, Huerta said she had experienced two sexual encounters with Chavez in the 1960s. “The first time I was manipulated and pressured into having sex with him, and I didn’t feel I could say no because he was someone that I admired, my boss and the leader of the movement I had already devoted years of my life to,” she wrote. “The second time I was forced, against my will, and in an environment where I felt trapped.” The second assault occurred in 1966. Both encounters resulted in pregnancies, which Huerta concealed by wearing baggy clothing, giving birth to two girls and arranging for them to be raised by other families — secrets she kept for nearly 60 years.

Victims remained silent for decades out of shame and fear of damaging Chavez’s stature. More than a decade ago, Rojas posted in a private Facebook group for longtime UFW organizers and supporters, warning of his alleged misconduct. She was accused of tarnishing the movement and deleted the post days later.

It is telling that even as Chavez pivoted late in life to align himself with the cultural Left’s agenda, he could not shield himself from the character assassination campaigns launched by those very same institutions. The latest allegations against Cesar Chavez smack of a coordinated cancel culture effort designed to erase his image. It remains to be seen if these allegations carry legal weight, but Chavez is no longer alive to mount a defense in a proper legal setting. Ultimately, in this Jewish-dominated polity, any individual who deviates from the mass migration consensus—even a non-White activist like Chavez—will eventually be burnt in effigy. If the Judeo-Left cannot destroy you while you are alive, they will certainly tarnish your reputation in death.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño is joined by Dark Enlightenment to break down the cascading economic fallout of the current conflict in the Middle East.

They discuss the stark reality of the Iran War, specifically the looming energy shock that threatens to push gasoline toward $8 a gallon. From the structural fragility of car-dependent Sunbelt cities to the inevitable collapse of the commercial real estate bubble, they analyze why the era of cheap energy and easy credit is dead.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño sits down with author and activist Greg Conte to dissect the “kosher” rot currently infecting populist and nationalist movements.

They walk through the strategic necessity of exclusionary organizing, the tactical failure of the anti-war movement due to subversion, and why the “good Jew” narrative is a trap designed to derail genuine opposition.

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In this episode, I expose the war with Iran as a multi-decade project driven by the interests of organized Jewry, with Donald Trump serving as their primary golem.

I also cover the “vibe shift” regarding the decline of Black Lives Matter and the shifting dynamics of the GOP, emphasizing that the entire two-party system is a Jewish-sponsored long con desi…

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This Sunday, March 29, at 8 PM Eastern, I’m going live to break down Trump’s collapsing approval ratings over the Iran War, the Pentagon’s hollowed-out missile arsenal, and the IDF’s manpower crisis, among other topics.

Paid subscribers can watch the livestream, join the chat, and submit questions.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño is joined by Jordan B. to analyze the profound demographic shifts unfolding in the Dallas-Fort Worth area and across the American Sunbelt.

We break down the shocking disappearance of high school football in Texas suburbs, the rise of the “striver class” migrants, and why Jewish elites are relying on them as new golems.

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Wars do not happen overnight, and the conflict with Iran that erupted in 2026 was no exception, representing the culmination of hostility that Donald Trump expressed publicly for more than four decades.

With Donald Trump potentially planning an assault on Kharg Island, he may be fulfilling a threat he first made nearly four decades ago. In 1988, while promoting “The Art of the Deal” in the United Kingdom, Trump told The Guardian, “One bullet shot at one of our men or ships, and I’d do a number on Kharg Island. I’d go in and take it.” White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt cited the resurfaced interview as proof Trump had been “consistent his entire life on Iran.”

The consistency began even earlier. In 1980, a 34-year-old Trump appeared on television with Rona Barrett and advocated a military invasion of Iran to free the hostages. He called the situation “absolutely, and totally ridiculous” and said he had “no question in his mind” that the United States should have gone in.

Throughout the decades that followed, Trump’s posture never softened. In his 2011 book “Time to Get Tough,” he declared, “America’s primary goal with Iran must be to destroy its nuclear ambitions. Let me put them as plainly as I know how: Iran’s nuclear program must be stopped–by any and all means necessary. Period. We cannot allow this radical regime to acquire a nuclear weapon that they will either use or hand off to terrorists.”

When the Obama administration negotiated the Iran nuclear deal in 2015, Trump labeled it “absolutely horrible” and warned it would lead to a “nuclear holocaust.” At AIPAC in 2016, he declared dismantling the deal his “number one priority” as president, calling it “catastrophic for America, for Israel and the whole of the Middle East.”

The escalation accelerated once Trump took office. In October 2017, hedecertified the JCPOA. In May 2018, he withdrew entirely and launched the “maximum pressure” sanctions campaign, aiming to “bring Iran’s oil exports to zero, denying the regime its principal source of revenue.”

In April 2019, Trump designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a foreign terrorist organization, bragging, “If you are doing business with the IRGC, you will be bankrolling terrorism…This designation will be the first time that the United States has ever named a part of another government as an FTO.”

The most dramatic moment came in January 2020, when Trump authorized the drone strike that killed Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad. Trump claimed Soleimani had been “plotting imminent and sinister attacks on American diplomats and military personnel.” Iran retaliated with missile strikes on U.S. bases, and the world braced for war.

Toward the end of his first term, Trump explored military options for targeting Iran’s nuclear infrastructure. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mark Milley pushed back firmly, warning, “If you do this, you’re gonna have a f***ing war.” Milley held daily briefings to prevent an unchecked spiral, describing his efforts as trying to “land the plane.”

When Trump returned to office in 2025, the generals who had restrained him were gone. In February, he signed a presidential memorandum reimposing maximum pressure while seated beside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He told reporters, “With me, it’s very simple. Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon.”

In June 2025, Trump ordered Operation Midnight Hammer, the first direct American military strike on Iranian soil. B-2 stealth bombers dropped bunker-buster bombs on the Fordow and Natanz nuclear facilities while a submarine launched Tomahawk cruise missiles at Isfahan. Trump declared on Truth Social that the strikes had “completely and totally obliterated” Iran’s nuclear sites.

Then came February 28, 2026. Operation Epic Fury. The joint American and Israeli assault that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, decimated the IRGC, and spread the conflict across the entire Persian Gulf. The culmination of everything Trump had promised over the course of 46 years.

These aggressive escalations are not mere spontaneous spasms of hawkishness; they are the calculated fulfillment of a role Donald Trump has played for decades as a golem for American Jewry. By promising populism on immigration and economic nationalism on the campaign trail, he expertly exploited the frustrations of the American electorate to gain power, only to abandon those voters and implement a conventional Republican agenda centered on Judeo-accelerationism.

Ultimately, Trump has proven himself a safe pair of hands for a Jewish community spooked by the events of October 7, delivering a devastating war in West Asia that serves the interests of world Jewry while offering nothing but peril to the American nation.In that sense, Trump’s two administrations are not a break from the neoconservative era but its final act: the Clean Break script brought to its logical conclusion, with ordinary people now paying in blood and at the pump for an unnecessary war decades in the making.

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Leonid Radvinsky, the reclusive Jewish billionaire who transformed OnlyFans from a modest subscription platform into a multi-billion dollar pornography empire, died on March 20, 2026, following an alleged battle with cancer. He was 43 years old.

“We are deeply saddened to announce the death of Leo Radvinsky. Leo passed away peacefully after a long battle with cancer,” OnlyFans stated on Monday. “His family have requested privacy at this difficult time.”

Radvinsky’s death caps a career marked by extraordinary wealth accumulation alongside persistent allegations of enabling sexual exploitation, child abuse material, sex trafficking, and suspicious financial activity. Radvinsky amassed an estimated net worth of $7.8 billion as of October 2025, per Forbes’ Real-Time Billionaire rankings, while largely avoiding public scrutiny through extreme reclusiveness. At the time of his death on March 20, 2026, Forbes estimated his net worth at $4.7 billion.

Leonid “Leo” Radvinsky was born in 1982 to a Jewish family in the port city of Odesa, Ukraine, then part of the Soviet Union. His family emigrated to the United States when he was a child and settled in the Chicago area. The source of his father Savely’s wealth remains unclear, with reports noting real estate investments and business dealings whose exact nature has never been fully explained.

Radvinsky graduated from Northwestern University with a degree in economics in 2002. He married Yekaterina “Katie” Chudnovsky and lived in Florida. He also owned property in Chicago and other assets. Radvinsky was famously secretive. He gave almost no public interviews, few photographs of him ever surfaced, and he seldom appeared publicly.

Radvinsky’s entrepreneurial career began at age 17 in 1999 when he helped incorporate Cybertania Inc., a website referral business registered in Illinois with his mother Anna serving as the registered agent. During the late 1990s and early 2000s, he built more than 10 websites including “Password Universe,” “Working Passes,” and “Ultra Passwords” that claimed to offer “illegal” and “hacked” passwords to pornography sites. He earned affiliate revenue for every click.

Forbes found that “Password Universe” published a link claiming to offer “illegal pre-teen passwords” and “Working Passes” linked to purported “illegal teen passwords” and bestiality content. Forensic News also found that Radvinsky held hundreds of domain names. Ultra Passwords alone reportedly generated $1.8 million per year in revenue.

Radvinsky encountered legal troubles in 2004, when Microsoft sued him for allegedly sending millions of deceptive emails to Hotmail users. The case was eventually dismissed. Additional lawsuits filed by Microsoft and Amazon in 2003 and 2004 alleged spamming and impersonation of their companies to redirect traffic to pornography ventures and “free money from the government” offers. All cases were settled out of court in 2005, and Radvinsky and his businesses were barred from using Amazon’s name in spam or any of Microsoft’s email tools.

In 2004, Radvinsky founded MyFreeCams, a live adult streaming and webcam site through his holding company MFCXY, Inc. The platform became enormously successful, processing hundreds of millions of dollars in payments annually. To users and the thousands of performers, he was known simply as “AdminLeo.”

In 2018, Radvinsky purchased a majority stake in OnlyFans’ parent company Fenix International Ltd. from British founders Tim and Guy Stokely, reportedly for approximately $30 million. He later acquired full ownership. Under his direction, OnlyFans pivoted heavily toward adult content and experienced explosive growth, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The platform generated $6.6 billion in gross payments as of its fiscal year ending November 2023, with over 305 million registered users and 4.1 million creators, according to its annual report filed with UK Companies House. Radvinsky received $472 million in dividends in 2023 alone. CBS News reported, citing Bloomberg, that the company paid him approximately $1.8 billion in dividends since 2021. As of mid-2025, Radvinsky was reportedly in talks to sell OnlyFans at a valuation of approximately $8 billion.

Even as he built one of the most profitable pornography platforms on the internet, Radvinsky quietly directed significant sums toward charitable work. On his personal website, Radvinsky listed donations to organizations including the University of Chicago Medicine. He donated $5 million to Ukraine relief in 2022 following Russia’s invasion. In 2024, Radvinsky and his wife were major public supporters of a $23 million grant program for cancer research, announced at a gastrointestinal research foundation gala.

His interests beyond OnlyFans extended into the technology sector as well. Radvinsky operated a venture capital fund called “Leo” founded in 2009 that invested mainly in tech companies. Notable investments included B4X, an Israel-based open-source software development tools company. But it was not his tech investments that drew the sharpest public scrutiny. In February 2024, investigative outlet The Lever published a story based on leaked internal AIPAC donor documents showing that Radvinsky and his wife Katie Chudnovsky had pledged $11 million to AIPAC, the largest single contribution on the leaked list.

The $11 million pledge appeared under the name “Mr. Anonymous Anonymous” and Katie Chudnovsky, but personal contact information and a short bio in the documents identified “Mr. Anonymous” as Radvinsky, according to both The Lever and Jacobin. The pledge came in the wake of Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, during a period when AIPAC raised approximately $90 million in total. Internal AIPAC documents reviewed by The Lever showed a wire transfer from Chudnovsky to AIPAC.

Radvinsky denied the contribution. “I didn’t donate or pledge $11M,” he wrote in an email to The Lever, adding “this appl[ies] to me / my foundation / my family.” When asked why AIPAC listed him as a donor, he replied, “I don’t know.” When pressed about the wire transfer documentation, he stopped responding.

AIPAC declined to confirm or deny the list’s accuracy. When The Lever asked AIPAC’s spokesperson to identify any inaccurate information, the organization did not respond despite three follow-up requests before publication. Because AIPAC is organized as a 501(c)(4) “social welfare” organization, it is not legally required to publicly disclose its donors.

Following these revelations, multiple OnlyFans creators called for a boycott of the platform. Sex workers expressed concern that their earnings were being funneled to AIPAC, which had launched a $100 million campaign to oppose pro-Palestinian candidates in the 2024 elections. Organizers drew parallels between their own struggles against exploitation and the Palestinian cause.

The AIPAC controversy was not the first time questions had been raised about where Radvinsky’s money flowed. Long before the donor leak, banks themselves had flagged his financial operations. For at least 13 years, multiple banks filed Suspicious Activity Reports on Radvinsky’s companies, totaling well over $1 billion in flagged transactions, according to Forensic News. Reports from Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase, Wells Fargo, and others repeatedly identified patterns “consistent with payment layering,” a money laundering technique, involving offshore payment processors in Curacao, Belize, and Germany. Romania’s anti-money laundering agency requested MyFreeCams banking records from the U.S. Treasury in 2012.

The financial red flags were not the only source of controversy. The platforms Radvinsky built also faced mounting allegations of facilitating harm to the very people who generated their revenue. A major Reuters investigation in 2024 uncovered extensive allegations of nonconsensual content on OnlyFans, identifying 128 cases in which people complained to U.S. law enforcement that sexual content featuring them had been posted without their consent between January 2019 and November 2023. In approximately 40% of these cases, the content also appeared on mainstream social media platforms to drive traffic to OnlyFans. The National Center on Sexual Exploitation labeled OnlyFans a “serial sexual exploiter” and called on the DOJ to investigate.

Dozens of former models on both MyFreeCams and OnlyFans alleged arbitrary account closures and withheld wages. Forensic News documented multiple cases where creators had accounts deleted with pending balances and received generic responses about “suspicious/fraudulent activity” with no specifics. Some models lost wages when Choice Bank in Belize, used by MyFreeCams for payments, collapsed in 2018.

In 2022, competitor FanCentro and other plaintiffs filed lawsuits alleging that OnlyFans and Radvinsky paid bribes to Meta employees to have competing adult content performers placed on the Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT) database, effectively destroying their businesses. The payments were allegedly routed from Fenix International through a secret Hong Kong subsidiary into offshore Philippines bank accounts. Both Meta and OnlyFans denied the allegations, though a federal judge refused to dismiss the case.

The allegations of anticompetitive sabotage were serious enough on their own. But the most disturbing questions surrounding Radvinsky’s platforms involved not rival businesses but vulnerable people, including children. MyFreeCams maintained an advertising deal with Chat Avenue, one of the internet’s oldest chat platforms, where the age requirement was just 13 and loosely policed. MyFreeCams ads promoting adult webcam content appeared in the “boys,” “girls,” and “teens” chat rooms for approximately a decade. Federal court documents show multiple predators were arrested for child sex crimes committed on Chat Avenue during this period.

A BBC investigation in 2021 found that minors had used fake identification to set up accounts and sell explicit videos on OnlyFans. In one case, a 14-year-old used her grandmother’s passport. The UK’s most senior police officer for child protection called children on the platform “exploited.” A U.S. Homeland Security Investigations special agent confirmed he had seen child sex abuse material (CSAM) originating from OnlyFans during a 2021 call with Mastercard executives, noting the paywall makes it exceptionally difficult for law enforcement to discover offending accounts.

A Reuters investigation in January 2025 revealed a whistleblower complaint submitted to the U.S. Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network alleging that Mastercard and Visa were aware since at least 2021 that their payment networks were being used to process proceeds from CSAM and trafficking on OnlyFans, accusing them of “turning a blind eye to flows of illicit revenue.” The complaint was filed in January 2023 with FinCEN and the U.S. Justice and Homeland Security departments.

Reuters also reported on women who said they had been sexually enslaved, sometimes by a partner, to produce content for the platform. The platform became central to high-profile trafficking cases, most notably involving influencer Andrew Tate, who was charged in Romania with rape and sex-trafficking charges connected to an operation that allegedly forced women to create pornographic content on OnlyFans.

A 2022 study by the Anti-Human Trafficking Intelligence Initiative (ATII) and the University of New Haven found a “high volume” of OnlyFans accounts with “common indicators” of CSAM or sex trafficking using open-source research methods. The NCOSE called on the Department of Justice to investigate OnlyFans, noting the platform profits from “the sexual abuse and exploitation of women, children, and men.”

Radvinsky’s path mirrors that of many Jewish magnates whose fortunes are built upon the erosion of social mores. His wealth, harvested from cultural collapse, is then re-directed to strengthen the political and strategic footholds of his tribe in the Middle East. Taken together, these forces amount to a zero‑sum game in which the spiritual and cultural bankruptcy of one people finances the geopolitical leverage of another.

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I talk about the escalating energy war between Israel and Iran, the recent resignation of Joe Kent and discuss why the current MAGA political apparatus is fundamentally incapable of challenging the state-within-a-state.

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