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Two earthquakes hit northern Venezuela on June 24, 2026, striking 39 seconds apart. The first registered 7.2. The second registered 7.5. The United States Geological Survey classified the pair as a doublet and placed both epicenters near Moron on the Caribbean coast, roughly 100 miles west of Caracas and about three miles from each other. USGS seismologist Paul Earle told NPR that simultaneous quakes of that size rarely occur. “This doesn’t happen very often,” he said. “When they’re right together, it’s hard to understand what would happen.”

Buildings folded across Caracas and the coastal state of La Guaira. National Assembly President Jorge Rodriguez put the toll at 4,734 dead, 16,740 injured and 17,907 homeless on July 14, with rescuers pulling 6,462 people alive from the wreckage. It ranks as the strongest earthquake to strike Venezuela since 1900.

Israel had no embassy in Caracas. It had no ambassador, no consulate and no diplomatic relations of any kind. It sent a delegation anyway. Israel’s National Security Council reviewed the operation and cleared a joint mission from the Foreign Ministry and the Israel Defense Forces. The team left Israel on June 30 and an advance group landed on July 1. Ambassador Yoed Magen, Israel’s ambassador designate to Mexico, who grew up in Venezuela and handles the Venezuela portfolio in Jerusalem, led the civilian side. Brigadier General Elad Edri, chief of staff of the IDF Home Front Command, commanded the military contingent.

The delegation arrived with 28 members—including eight Home Front Command engineers and Foreign Ministry representatives—and grew to around 30 as additional specialists from the National Emergency Management Authority joined the effort. Uniformed Israeli officers moved openly through a country that had spent 17 years treating their government as an enemy, keeping their uniforms and Israeli insignia prominently displayed throughout.

The assignment was engineering, not rescue. Beginning at 3 p.m. on July 6, Edri’s teams started mapping roughly 1,300 damaged buildings, sorting each into demolish or salvage, and advised Venezuelan engineers on debris removal and recycling plans. Edri noted the contrast with past deployments, where the IDF fielded over 400 personnel—Venezuela asked for 30. Edri and Magen then presented Delcy Rodriguez with a multi-year national reconstruction plan. Her government approved the blueprint in days, a process that would normally take weeks or months.

The mission produced something no diplomat had managed since 2009. Venezuelan Foreign Minister Yván Gil picked up the phone and spoke directly with Magen—Israel’s ambassador-designate to Mexico, who also oversees the Venezuela portfolio at the Foreign Ministry—the first such exchange between senior officials of the two governments in years.

Rodriguez went further. At a press conference she became the first Venezuelan leader since Hugo Chávez to praise Israel publicly. “I would like to report that yesterday we received a highly professional and skilled team from Israel,” she said. “I would like to report that yesterday we received a highly professional and skilled team from Israel.”

Rabbi Yitzhak Cohen told Ynet he had offered the mission himself. “We offered the president of Venezuela the possibility of having the Israeli delegation come to assist in the disaster,” Cohen said. “She gladly accepted our assistance and gave all the necessary approvals for the delegation’s arrival. This was the first step.”

Rodriguez then called Sa’ar directly and asked him to keep the team in the country. Netanyahu approved a two-week extension on July 8 in coordination with Sa’ar. Two days later Netanyahu addressed the delegation by video. “You are rebuilding ruins, and you are also rebuilding relations. You are showing the people of Venezuela, as well as the Venezuelan government, the true face of the State of Israel,” he said. He added that the delegation had come “to a country that severed relations nearly 20 years ago” and proved “how beneficial it is to have ties with Israel.” Edri responded that “We are very proud to represent the country here. Both official representatives and the Venezuelan people have been very warm toward the delegation.”

Understanding why any of this counts as extraordinary requires going back nearly 80 years. Venezuela backed Jewish statehood early. It voted for the United Nations partition plan on November 29, 1947, and two years later supported Israel’s admission to the United Nations, joining the first wave of Latin American governments to recognize the new state. Venezuela’s mission opened in Jerusalem and stayed there until 1980, when Caracas joined the general exodus of embassies to Tel Aviv. Decades of practical cooperation followed in agriculture, science, and military affairs. A 1961 technical accord sent Israeli planners and agronomists to Venezuela, where they shaped irrigation schemes such as Las Majaguas, a resettlement project for 2,200 peasant families. Caracas managed all this while helping found OPEC in 1960 alongside Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, and Kuwait. It balanced the Arab oil partnership against the Israeli one and kept both.

However, Hugo Chávez ended that pro-Israel alignment.

Chávez won the presidency in 1998 and radically reshaped Venezuelan foreign policy around opposition to Washington, which pulled Israel into the target set by association. The 2006 Lebanon war produced the first break. Chavez recalled Ambassador Hector Quintero and, on his weekly broadcast, sharply denounced the Israeli offensive. He proclaimed, “Israel has gone mad. They are massacring children, and no one knows how many are buried.” At the time, Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Mark Regev responded that Chávez “is not known for his objectivity when it comes to the Middle East conflict.”

Operation Cast Lead finished the relationship. On January 6, 2009, Venezuela expelled Israeli Ambassador Shlomo Cohen and part of his staff. The Foreign Ministry statement condemned Israel’s “flagrant violations of international law” and denounced “their planned utilization of state terrorism.” No other government with Israeli ties took that step. Eight days later, on January 14, Caracas severed relations outright, citing the “cruel persecution of the Palestinian people.” Bolivia broke ties hours earlier.

Israel expelled Venezuela’s diplomats in late January. Chávez welcomed it. “It is an honor for this socialist government and this revolutionary people to have our representatives expelled by a genocidal government such as Israel,” he said. Recognition of Palestine came separately, on April 27, when Venezuela became the first country in the Americas to open relations with the Palestinian Authority. Canada took over as Israel’s protecting power in Caracas that spring, and Spain assumed Venezuela’s interests in Tel Aviv by September.

Nicolás Maduro was foreign minister during the rupture and carried the posture into his presidency. Venezuela deepened its strategic partnership with Iran and became one of Israel’s loudest critics.

It should be noted that Chavismo was never monolithic on Israel, and by 2017 the softening reached the top. That February, President Nicolás Maduro welcomed a Jewish delegation to the presidential palace, among them Sephardic Chief Rabbi Isaac Cohen and Elias Farache, who headed the country’s umbrella Jewish organization. Maduro called it a good day of dialogue for peace. A month later, then Foreign Minister Delcy Rodríguez, the same woman who now serves as interim president, told those same leaders of “the desire to establish full relations with the State of Israel.” Cohen described his pitch to AJN News. “We suggested to start with a period of courtship, which means a beginning through consular relations, so that later it will become a marriage, which would be Israel’s own embassy again in Venezuela, as we have always had here.” Nothing followed at the time. It was the first sign that Rodríguez would do business with the Israelis.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recognized Juan Guaidó in January 2019, joining Washington and much of Latin America in treating the opposition leader as Venezuela’s rightful president. No election had produced the standoff. Maduro had been declared winner of a May 2018 vote that the opposition and most of the hemisphere called fraudulent, and when he took a second oath in January 2019 the National Assembly, then controlled by the opposition, declared the presidency vacant. Guaidó, its young speaker, swore himself in as acting president days later

Weeks later Guaidó told the Israeli news outlet Israel Hayom that he was renewing ties. “We have begun working toward renewing the ties, and I’m very happy to announce that the process of stabilizing the relations with Israel is at its height,” he said, staying noncommittal on whether the embassy would return to Jerusalem. He never held power.

American forces captured Maduro in Caracas on January 3, 2026, in Operation Absolute Resolve, a raid that launched more than 150 aircraft across the hemisphere, and flew him to New York to face narcoterrorism charges. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar welcomed “the removal of the dictator who led a network of drugs and terror,” hoping for “friendly relations between the states.” Delcy Rodríguez took over and turned toward Washington after Maduro’s kidnapping.

On January 16, Maduro’s son Nicolas Maduro Guerra, a National Assembly deputy and PSUV vice president for religious affairs, floated normalization at the Teresa Carreno Theater. “Advancing respectful relations with the US and with any country in the world (…) I believe we should have relations with the US, an embassy (…) because it is our self-determination, we could even think about having diplomatic relations with Israel (…) it is an idea that I am proposing here, in the context of diplomacy, these are ideas that come to my mind,” he said.

Tel Aviv, meanwhile, was cultivating the other side. Sa’ar met opposition leader Maria Corina Machado in Washington on February 3. “Israel and Venezuela have historically shared very close ties, which we will reclaim and strengthen in this new era of democracy and freedom,” the Nobel laureate said.

A week later Bloomberg reported that traders were routing Venezuelan crude to Haifa based Bazan Group, Israel’s largest refiner, the first such cargo since mid 2020. The Middle East Forum estimated 200,000 barrels were bound for Haifa. Information Minister Miguel Perez Pirela called the report fake news. Bazan and Israel’s Energy Ministry declined comment, consistent with Israeli practice.

Venezuelan political scientist Carlos Eduardo Pina argues in an Al Jazeera opinion piece that survival drives Rodríguez, not conviction. He tracks the turn month by month. She said the January operation that removed Maduro carried “Zionist overtones.” By late February her foreign ministry had declined to condemn the American and Israeli strikes on Iran, calling instead for dialogue and faulting Tehran for retaliating against neighbors that host U.S. forces. In April she posted a Passover greeting to Rabbi Cohen and the Jewish community, then told them days later in a televised address that Venezuela held “no anti-Semitic positions.”

Pina reads the sequence as a bid for Trump’s protection and a maneuver against María Corina Machado, the opposition leader who spent years building her own alliance with Netanyahu. Strip Machado of Israeli backing and she loses a lever in Washington, where pro-Israel networks carry weight. Pina grants the strategy has worked so far. He stops short of predicting it holds. “But whether this bargain can survive the weight of 27 years of anti-Israel rhetoric and produce a durable alliance with a state the ruling party long treated as an enemy remains far from certain,” he writes.

Rabbi Cohen reads it differently, and he has reason to hope. Israeli reports have floated his name as Venezuela’s ambassador should relations resume. “We hope, and are almost certain, that this will move another step forward,” he told Ynet. “There is no doubt that this was a moving gesture.”

A new era is dawning in Venezuela. One in which the revolutionary zeal of Chavismo is being discarded in favor of submission—spun by some as pragmatism—to the Judeo-American order. Because the United States serves as the military guarantor of Jewish supremacy worldwide, no country can challenge Israel without facing American retaliation. With great powers in Eurasia pushing back on multiple fronts, Washington will re-focus on Latin America to consolidate its hegemony, plunder wealth, and retool its global grand strategy, all while creating safe havens for Jewish influence. At first glance, Delcy Rodriguez’s Venezuela is poised to become the next Zionist satellite in South America.

Only a resurgence of authentic nationalism can prevent Venezuela’s absorption into the Pan-Judah.

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I appeared on the Thought Crime Syndicate to discuss the dysfunctional state of American politics and other uncomfortable realities about Jewish power.

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Episode 1395: The Thought Crime Syndicate - Summer Edition

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Last weekend brought a brief respite to those of us jaded by the current political order. On July 11, 2026, two days after 71st birthday, Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina reportedly died from a sudden and brief illness. For more than three decades, from the halls of the South Carolina statehouse to the upper echelons of the United States Senate, Graham was a defining figure of the Republican Party establishment.

More than just a politician, he was the Senate’s most durable neoconservative hawk—a man who embodied the “invade the world, invite the world” political order. His career was characterized by a relentless drive to project American military power abroad, an unyielding devotion to Zionist causes, and a long-standing willingness to champion mass migration, even as Republican voters began to gravitate toward populism.

Born in Central, South Carolina, Graham was the first in his family to attend college. His worldview was forged in the military, where he spent 33 years in the Air Force Judge Advocate General Corps and the reserve system. Serving as the Air Force’s chief prosecutor in Europe during the 1980s, Graham developed a rigid belief in the necessity of a hyper-interventionist American foreign policy. Though he never deployed to a combat zone during the Gulf War, his brief reserve stints in Iraq and Afghanistan later in life cemented his hawkish credentials.

Entering the U.S. House of Representatives in 1994, Graham quickly made a name for himself as one of 13 Republican House managers who prosecuted the impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton in January 1999. His conservative South Carolina constituents approved of the performance, and he earned recognition among his colleagues that would follow him to higher office. That early legalistic fervor translated into a broader, more belligerent approach to global affairs when he succeeded Strom Thurmond—who had held the seat since 1956—winning the 2002 Senate race against Democratic opponent Alex Sanders with President George W. Bush actively campaigning on his behalf.

Once in the Senate, Graham found his true calling on the global stage. Alongside John McCain and Joe Lieberman, he formed the “Three Amigos,” a nickname coined by General David Petraeus during one of the trio’s many visits to war zones. The group became a fixture of congressional delegations to Afghanistan, Iraq, and other conflict zones, pitching American intervention as a bipartisan cause at a time when much of the country was souring on it. Graham outlived both his comrades—McCain died of brain cancer in August 2018, Lieberman in 2024.

Graham was a steadfast supporter of the 2003 Iraq invasion and the 2007 surge, consistently opposing any drawdown that might let the country slide back into chaos. He opposed bringing troops home from Afghanistan at every turn, blasting Biden’s 2021 withdrawal announcement as “dumber than dirt and devilishly dangerous” and warning that it amounted to canceling “an insurance policy against another 9/11.” His philosophy on the use of force was stark and uncompromising. When discussing the prospect of war with North Korea in 2017, he told NBC’s Today show that “if there’s going to be a war to stop him, it will be over there. If thousands die, they’re going to die over there. They’re not going to die here.” For Graham, the collateral damage of war was always worth it in the name of long-term stability and national security.

This belligerence extended across the globe. He was a leading advocate for the 2011 NATO intervention in Libya, calling on NATO to “cut the head of the snake off” by bombing Gaddafi’s inner circle, compounds, and military headquarters in Tripoli. In Syria, he repeatedly pushed for a U.S. no-fly zone and military intervention to arm anti-Assad rebels, blasting the Obama administration’s handling of the chemical weapons “red line” as profoundly mismanaged. He was equally hawkish on Venezuela, writing in a Wall Street Journal op-ed republished on his Senate website that the U.S. must be willing to intervene in Venezuela the way Reagan did in Grenada, arguing that an ultimatum to Cuba to withdraw its security forces from the country would mean “the beginning of the end of the [Nicolás] Maduro dictatorship.”

His hostility toward Russia and China was equally palpable. In March 2022, Graham publicly called for Putin’s assassination on Fox News and Twitter, asking “Is there a Brutus in Russia? Is there a more successful Colonel Stauffenberg in the Russian military?” and declaring “the only way this ends is for somebody in Russia to take this guy out.” He stood by the remarks the following day, saying “I hope he’ll be taken out, one way or the other.”

He introduced the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 alongside Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, proposing a 500% tariff on goods imported from any country that continues buying Russian oil, gas, or uranium—a measure that by June 2025 had attracted 84 Senate co-sponsors. He similarly vowed to “draft pre-invasion sanctions from hell” against China over Taiwan, calling a report that Xi Jinping had told Biden he would “unify” Taiwan “beyond unnerving.” He also championed the COVID-19 Accountability Act in 2020, which would have authorized sanctions on Beijing if it failed to cooperate with an international investigation into the pandemic’s origins.

Nowhere was Graham’s hawkishness more pronounced than in his stance on Iran and his devotion to Israel. He vehemently opposed the 2015 JCPOA, warning that the deal would give Iran “a pathway to the bomb, missiles to deliver it, money to pay for it” and describing a nuclear-armed Iran as “an existential threat to our allies in Israel.”

During the 2026 Israel-Iran conflict, he urged the Senate to re-vote the Iran War Powers resolution and defeat it, arguing that passing it would embolden Iran during ceasefire negotiations. Graham backed the move of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, pushed for American recognition of the Golan Heights, and consistently voted for every annual appropriation of military aid to Israel. Throughout the recent Gaza war, Graham’s rhetoric reached new extremes; he called for giving Israel “the bombs they need to end the war,” shockingly comparing the situation to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and threatened to sanction the International Criminal Court over potential arrest warrants for Israeli officials.

Graham’s unyielding pro-Israel stance was deeply intertwined with his political funding. He was completely in the pocket of Zionist, oligarchical, and defense interests. Advocacy trackers and campaign finance records show Graham received massive financial backing from pro-Israel PACs and donors. Campaign finance records tell much of the story behind that devotion. A Center for Public Integrity investigation found that the top donor to his 2014 super PAC was Larry Mizel—a Colorado developer, AIPAC board member, and Simon Wiesenthal Center chairman who gave $100,000. Sam Fox, a former chairman of the Republican Jewish Coalition, gave $50,000. Boeing’s political action committee gave $25,000 to the same super PAC.

Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg also appeared among the donors. OpenSecrets documented that Sheldon Adelson co-hosted a 2015 fundraiser for Graham’s presidential exploratory committee, alongside Mizel and RJC executive director Matthew Brooks. Graham himself acknowledged the network publicly, telling the Wall Street Journal that he “may have the first all-Jewish cabinet in America because of the pro-Israel funding.”

While Graham was an avatar of invading the world, he was equally committed to inviting the world via mass migration. For years, he was one of the Republican Party’s foremost advocates for comprehensive immigration reform aka amnesty, earning him the moniker “Lindsey Grahamnesty.” He was a critical player in the 2006 and 2007 reform efforts, working closely with John McCain and Ted Kennedy to create pathways to citizenship for millions of illegal immigrants.

In 2013, Graham was one of eight senators—four Democrats and four Republicans—who drafted and co-sponsored the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act, known as the “Gang of Eight” bill, which proposed a 13-year conditional path to citizenship for an estimated 11 million illegal immigrants. The bill passed the Senate 68-32 but stalled in the House. He also introduced the DREAM Act alongside Democratic Senator Dick Durbin in at least three consecutive sessions of Congress—2017, 2019, and 2021—legislation that would allow illegal immigrants brought to the United States as children to earn permanent residence and eventually citizenship.

There is no cause for mourning in the passing of Lindsey Graham. He served as a key instrument for a nefarious agenda that traded American blood and treasure for imperial adventurism while simultaneously eroding the nation’s demographic core through mass migration.

His entire political lifespan was a tireless campaign against the interests of his own constituents in favor of a Judeo-American order that has hollowed out our country from within. As we reckon with the geopolitical and domestic ruin he helped orchestrate, we must recognize his legacy for what it truly is: a betrayal of the American people. He belongs to the ages, but he deserves no peace; may Lindsey Graham exist in eternal torment for the devastation he brought upon this polity.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño sat down with Warren Balogh, host of Modern Politics Radio, to talk about the nationalist Right’s political incompetency, the coordinated Zionist hit job on Graham Platner, and why political activism still matters.

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In this episode, I covered the Graham Platner saga, the latest round of attacks against Iran, and the growing affordability crisis in the United States.

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Few organizations in the world of international humanitarian aid generate as much quiet fascination as IsraAID. Founded in 2001 and operating in over 60 countries, the Israeli NGO has pulled survivors from earthquake rubble, treated trauma survivors on the shores of Greece, and evacuated Afghan judges from Taliban-controlled territory. It has been praised by heads of state, celebrated by Hollywood, and quietly funded by some of the most powerful Jewish institutions in the world. Yet in June 2024, writer Mike Peinovich published a detailed Substack piece that stopped many readers cold, raising questions about what IsraAID truly represents and whose interests it ultimately serves.

He demonstrated that IsraAID had been quietly operating refugee centers on the Greek island of Lesbos since 2015, positioning itself at the very front door of Europe’s most consequential migration moment in modern history. Peinovich drew on YNET reporting that stated plainly, “Greek refugee aid centers are mainly operated by Israelis; in Lesbos there is an Israeli school for Syrian, Iranian, Iraqi and Afghan refugees; and it is all part of a joint plan to revolutionize the concept of Tikkun Olam and Jewish volunteering around the world.”

YNET added that “the concept of working to build a better world is now being adopted by a major Jewish organization in conjunction with the State of Israel,” noting that the Jewish Agency was working with Mosaic United on a joint project “expected to dramatically increase the number of young Jews involved in giving back to their local community,” with programs implemented through organizations such as IsraAID, Project TEN, and Tevel B’Tzedek.

Peinovich further noted that in 2018, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who had famously promised to take in 500,000 refugees annually in 2015, personally presented IsraAID with an award for its work integrating Arabic speakers into Germany, even as Israeli NGOs provided language lessons and employment support to newly arrived migrants across the country.

IsraAID’s own website described the scope of its German operations with notable candor: “IsraAID has been operating in Germany since 2015, when one million asylum seekers and refugees reached the country, most fleeing the brutality of the Syrian civil war and the threat of ISIS in Iraq and Syria. IsraAID Germany’s programs include refugee youth leadership groups, post-trauma psychosocial support for children using expressive arts therapy, and a special program supporting survivors of the Yazidi genocide. Since the height of the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015, IsraAID has provided medical, psychosocial and educational support to over 100,000 refugees in Greece and Germany alone.”

Understanding how an Israeli NGO came to operate at this scale requires going back to its founding. IsraAID was founded in 2001 by Shachar Zahavi as a coordinating body bringing Israeli and Jewish NGOs together for international humanitarian work. Zahavi’s path to humanitarianism was anything but conventional. While finishing his army service in 1994, he was galvanized by television footage of the Rwandan genocide and organized a grassroots fundraising campaign with friends. “We came up with a campaign to fundraise for a bag of rice for each child, and we were able to raise many tons of rice,” he recalled. “We sent food to the Congo where the refugees fled.”

Before launching IsraAID, Zahavi worked as an adviser on international aid issues and an assistant researcher on foreign aid at Tel Aviv University. In 2001 he founded IsraAID as a coordinating body of Israeli and Jewish NGOs, initially with a budget of approximately $100,000 and heading it on a volunteer basis while maintaining his advisory work. Under his leadership IsraAID grew into a globally recognized NGO, and he co-authored research at Tel Aviv University analyzing the rise and fall of Israel’s foreign aid program and its political dimensions.

Zahavi departed IsraAID and co-founded SmartAID in 2016, a tech-driven disaster relief NGO deploying drones, Starlink satellite internet, solar power, and fintech solutions in crisis zones from Ukraine and Moldova to Afghanistan and the Bahamas. The current CEO of IsraAID is Yotam Polizer, who received the Charles Bronfman Prize—described by YNetNews as “the most important award in the Jewish world today presented to humanitarians”—a $100,000 award that places IsraAID’s leadership firmly inside the inner circle of elite North American Jewish philanthropy.

In stark contrast stands Mully Dor, the co-founder who serves as Chair of the Board of Trustees. Dor operates almost entirely outside the public eye. There is virtually no biographical information about his background or career outside IsraAID in available public records, suggesting his role was primarily institutional and governance-focused from the outset, while Zahavi was the operational driving force and public face of the organization.

IsraAID was originally structured as a coordinating body of Israeli and Jewish NGOs—allowing member organizations including search-and-rescue teams, medical NGOs, and environmental groups to pool fundraising, communications, and operational expertise under a unified banner. The founding member organizations included Save a Child’s Heart, F.I.R.S.T. (Search & Rescue Teams), Jerusalem AIDS Project, the Israeli Friends of the Tibetan People, and The Last Great Ape.

The financial engine driving IsraAID is a sophisticated matrix of private donors, powerful Jewish federations, and international bodies. The UJA-Federation network, representing the institutional core of American Jewish political and philanthropic power, has been a critical backer. The UJA-Federation of Greater Toronto provided rapid funding for IsraAID missions within 24 hours of requests as early as 2008 — its president and CEO Ted Sokolsky approving emergency team deployments to Myanmar and Georgia on the spot. In August 2025, the UJA-Federation of New York pledged $1 million to fund IsraAID operations in Gaza, with CEO Eric Goldstein framing the donation as driven by “the moral imperative — the Jewish imperative — to act.”

As of 2017, a significant portion of IsraAID’s roughly $9 million annual budget was sourced from United Nations agencies. The organization also maintains a separate American arm, IsraAID US, incorporated in 2013, which financially supports the Israeli parent organization and has received grants from major American Jewish foundations.

The organization’s reach extended into Hollywood as well. Through IsraAID goodwill ambassador Moran Atias, a Hollywood actress, Zahavi developed a relationship with actor Sean Penn. At IsraAID’s November 2015 conference in Tel Aviv—”Can Haiti Grow? Haiti and Israel Partners in Recovery and Development”—Penn publicly credited IsraAID with enabling his J/P Haitian Relief Organization’s success: “The indirect impact of IsraAID is that everything that JP/HRO has accomplished would not have existed without the inspiration and support that they provided.”

Beyond Hollywood, IsraAID built relationships with the most influential organs of American Jewish advocacy. The American Jewish Committee has been a consistent funding partner of IsraAID, channeling emergency grants through dedicated funds—including its StandWithUkraine Fund in 2022—and funding IsraAID missions in places like Ukraine and Malawi.

On the Israeli state side, Zahavi’s advisory roles gave IsraAID deep integration with Israeli civil defense infrastructure. Both IsraAID and SmartAID have operated in direct coordination with the IDF and COGAT, the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. Zahavi publicly confirmed that SmartAID’s Gaza operations were cleared shipment-by-shipment through IDF inspection and that the IDF itself directed SmartAID toward “trusted” American partners. He also stated that Gaza aid was “high on the priority list of the Israeli government,” which he cited as part of his mandate.

The scale of IsraAID’s operations extends far beyond the region where it coordinates with the IDF. IsraAID’s operational footprint spans more than 60 countries. In Haiti following the 2010 earthquake, it maintained a sustained presence for over a decade, becoming the only Israeli NGO to establish long-term rehabilitation programs there. In Greece during the 2015 to 2016 migrant crisis, IsraAID was among the earliest NGO responders to the Aegean crossings, operating education and psychosocial support programs in Lesbos, serving refugees who had crossed from Turkey.

In 2021, IsraAID led an evacuation of vulnerable Afghan civilians— including judges, journalists, TV personalities, cyclists, human rights activists, family members of diplomats, and scientists—following the Taliban takeover, coordinating their shelter in Albania near Tirana and eventual resettlement to Canada. Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, IsraAID launched large-scale mental health and water filtration programs, training psychologists in trauma care. The organization has also responded to crises in Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, Peru, Mozambique, Kenya, and Turkey.

The most profound controversies surrounding IsraAID stem from its dual identity as a humanitarian actor and an instrument of Israeli statecraft. Zahavi and Israeli media have explicitly described the organization as “the beautiful face of Israel to the world.” The blurring of humanitarian neutrality with state messaging becomes especially stark in the context of the Gaza conflict. While Israel’s new regulations prevented 37 international humanitarian groups—including MSF and Oxfam—from operating in Gaza and the West Bank after their licenses expired on December 31, 2025, IsraAID and SmartAID continued to operate with IDF clearance. Critics argue that this selective humanitarian landscape, in which Israeli-connected NGOs operate freely while independent international groups face expulsion, is incompatible with genuine humanitarian independence.This is a feature, not a bug of, of the Judeo-American order, where organized Jewry is allowed to operate with virtual impunity on the world stage.

Zahavi’s co-authored academic research at Tel Aviv University documented a persistent pattern in Israeli foreign aid policy. Namely, Israeli decision makers have consistently allocated resources to development cooperation only when there were “possible bilateral political dividends,” and have cut aid budgets whenever diplomatic returns failed to materialize. The paper further recommended that Israel “catalyze and support the development of capable, professional NGOs and for-profit Israeli companies capable of competing for international development project financing”—a recommendation that IsraAID embodied in practice.

IsraAID’s confirmed IDF coordination in Gaza, its explicit description in Israeli media as “the beautiful face of Israel to the world,” and the structural integration of its leadership into networks of Israeli civil defense and elite North American Jewish philanthropy place significant questions about the organization’s humanitarian independence squarely on the table.

One can see parallels between IsraAID’s work and that of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). The institutional synergy between IsraAID and HIAS reveals a concerted effort to dismantle the demographic homogeneity of Western nations under the guise of benevolence. Just as HIAS expanded its mandate to become a primary engine for mass migration into American and European territories, IsraAID utilizes its humanitarian footprint to integrate millions into the West, effectively neutralizing nationalist opposition to Jewish influence. Thus, IsraAID performs a critical service for the contemporary Judeo-American order: it puts on a humanitarian mask for the Jewish state’s aggressive regional policies while systematically eroding the demographic core of the Western nations that are subjected to mass migration, completing the circle of transnational control.

IsraAID plays a quiet but indispensable role in this nefarious invade the world, invite the world enterprise.

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In this episode, I break down the Iran ceasefire collapsing, the ruling class takedown of Graham Platner, Walmart’s PR price cuts, and the growing affordability crisis among other topics.

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I appeared on IanMalcolm84’s Twitter space to talk about Jewish influence, forgotten history, and the growing awareness about Jewish power in the West.

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I appeared on UNN with David Clews to talk U.S. politics, Latin American politics, Jewish influence, and other taboo subjects.

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https://rumble.com/v7ce320-special-guest-jose-nino-joins-the-show.html

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In this episode, I covered the Supreme Court ruling upholding birthright citizenship, Iran war drama, and the many challenges surrounding electoral politics in Amer…

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Armie Hammer spent the summer of 2026 back in the headlines, and not gently. His comeback vehicle, Citizen Vigilante, a low-budget thriller written and directed by the pro-Israel German provocateur Uwe Boll, reached theaters and digital platforms on June 19 and immediately drew fire. Hammer plays Sanders, a wealthy American in Zagreb who guns down criminals, rapists, and the judges he believes let them walk, most of them written as Muslim migrants.

German regulators refused to rate the picture, effectively banning it over fears it incites violence against immigrants. Elon Musk then posted the entire film to X for free, and right wing figures rallied to it. Hammer, who lost his career after 2021 sexual misconduct allegations that Los Angeles prosecutors declined to charge, told The Hollywood Reporter, “I’m pretty sure I cried,” adding, “I just wanted to work again.” He has always denied the accusations, insisting, “I didn’t do what people are saying I did.”

Yet the frenzy over one actor obscures a far stranger Hammer story. Armie’s great grandfather, Armand Hammer, spent nearly a century turning intrigue into a business model, and almost every chapter of his life arrived wrapped in some type of scandal.

Armand Hammer was born in New York City on May 21, 1898, to Julius and Rose Hammer, Jewish immigrants from the Russian Empire. An urban legend held that his father named him for a character in an Alexandre Dumas novel, but Hammer admitted the truth ran the other way. Julius, a committed socialist, named his son after the arm and hammer emblem of the Socialist Labor Party. The accidental echo of the Arm and Hammer baking soda brand, a logo that predated his birth by three decades, dogged him for life, and in 1986 he simply bought a large block of the parent company’s stock and took a board seat so he could stop explaining. He earned a medical degree from Columbia but barely practiced, funding his first fortune instead with a high-alcohol ginger extract that sold like hot cakes throughout Prohibition.

His politics were inherited. Julius Hammer reportedly met Vladimir Lenin in 1907, helped launch the Communist Party USA, and ran finances for an unrecognized Soviet bureau in New York. That radical household pointed Armand east, and it also produced the family’s first courtroom drama. In 1919 a woman died after an illegal abortion in the family clinic, and Julius, a licensed physician, went to Sing Sing for manslaughter. Biographer Edward Jay Epstein, along with Hammer’s own former mistress, later alleged that Armand, then a medical student, actually performed the procedure and let his father shoulder the blame because a credentialed doctor stood a better chance of acquittal, though most historians hold that Julius himself performed it.

In 1921 Armand traveled to Soviet Russia, officially to recover his firm’s debts. J. Edgar Hoover, already tracking radicals, flagged him as a suspected Comintern courier. Once there, Hammer witnessed the Volga famine and brokered a barter of a million bushels of American grain for furs, caviar, and confiscated tsarist treasure. The deal won him an audience with Lenin, who urged him to trade rather than heal and granted him the first American concession the Soviet state ever granted, an asbestos mine in the Urals. Lenin, by many accounts, valued him as a path to the American business world.

Hammer stayed in Moscow for roughly a decade. He represented 38 American companies including Ford, smuggled German machinery into the country piece by piece to build the first Soviet pencil factory, and traded for Romanov treasures that included Fabergé eggs. Skeptics later charged that his ventures doubled as a laundering channel funneling Soviet money into Western banks. When Stalin nationalized his operations around 1930, Hammer sailed home with a fortune in imperial art.

Those years fueled the darkest allegation of all. In his 1996 book Dossier, Epstein branded Hammer a virtual spy whose commerce masked financing for Soviet espionage. Declassified Comintern records published by Yale historians placed both Julius and Armand inside Moscow’s covert money network in the 1920s. French intelligence chief Alexandre de Marenches reportedly warned President Ronald Reagan that Hammer served as a Soviet “agent of influence.” Not everyone accepted the spy thesis, however: a Soviet general quoted by Kommersant concluded that “Hammer worked only for himself,” judging that most of what he offered Moscow was impossible to verify. Hammer’s access, in any case, was unmatched. Hammer dealt personally with Lenin, Khrushchev, and Brezhnev, who pinned the Order of Friendship of Peoples on him in 1978, and later with Gorbachev, for whom he flew physicians into Chernobyl. Only Stalin held him at arm’s length.

Back home, Hammer chased tax shelters into petroleum. In 1956 he sank money into two wildcat wells drilled by the failing Occidental Petroleum, both struck crude, and by 1957 he controlled the company. His prize lay in Libya, where Occidental tapped enormous low-sulfur fields under King Idris. When Muammar Gaddafi seized power in 1969 and demanded higher prices, Hammer, dependent almost entirely on Libyan oil while the majors held diversified reserves, broke ranks and caved. As the Washington Post recounted, his surrender rippled across the industry, forcing the big companies to renegotiate and effectively handing pricing power to OPEC.

Scandal shadowed every success. In 1972 a Hammer operative delivered $54,000 in laundered bills to Nixon’s re-election campaign, illegal contributions later pursued by the Watergate special prosecutor. Hammer pleaded guilty in 1976 to the charges and drew probation and a fine, then lobbied for years until President George H.W. Bush pardoned him in 1989. Meanwhile Occidental’s Hooker Chemical subsidiary had poisoned the Love Canal in Niagara Falls, driving hundreds of families from their homes and ending in a $20 million settlement. Investigators cataloged bribes paid for oil concessions, and art historian John Richardson, who ran Hammer’s Knoedler gallery, flatly called him “a veteran con man,” pointing to Fabergé fakes stamped with genuine hallmarks.

Hammer also kept a dynasty on retainer. He partnered with the future senator Al Gore Sr. on cattle in 1950, and a Hoover memo conceded the FBI could not pursue Hammer because of connections in Congress that protected him. After Gore Sr. lost his Senate seat, Hammer paid him more than $500,000 a year to chair an Occidental subsidiary. The patronage passed to Al Gore Jr., whose Tennessee farm Occidental leased for inflated zinc payments on land it never mined. Vice President Gore in 1995 backed privatizing the Elk Hills reserves, which Occidental then bought for $3.65 billion.

For all his Arab oil deals, Hammer led a hidden second life bound to Israel. The Arab boycott forced him to bury any public ties to Zionism, yet he shuttled secret messages between the Kremlin and Israeli leaders and slept in the homes of Golda Meir and Moshe Dayan. In 1985, Prime Minister Shimon Peres confirmed the arrangement, describing Hammer as “the American Jew… who was a friend of Lenin.” He poured roughly $60 million into a Negev oil venture and cof-ounded Isramco. He also spent his Kremlin credit on Soviet Jews, flying the ailing refusenik David Goldfarb out of Moscow in 1986 and Ida Nudel to Israel in 1987. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency wrote that he “may have done more than any single individual to help secure freedom for Soviet Jews in the pre-glasnost era.”

Hammer died on December 10, 1990, one day before the bar mitzvah he had finally scheduled at age 92. Within hours, his grandson Michael, Armie’s father, was seen overseeing the removal of files and valuables from the house, and a bitter fight broke out over an estate far smaller than the billionaire legend had promised.

Armand Hammer spent a lifetime laundering Soviet money, poisoning American neighborhoods, and bribing presidents. Armie Hammer spent his prime years accused of the kind of depravity that usually ends careers. The family story is not one of redemption or assimilation. It is a straight line of dysfunction, one that suggests no amount of wealth or Western education can overwrite what runs in the blood.

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In this episode, I break down the Supreme Court’s birthright ruling, Tucker Carlson naming Israel as his reason for leaving the GOP, the NYT bombshell on Israel’s plot to assassinate Iranian diplomats during peace talks, and other stories.

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Protesters descended on State Senator Scott Wiener on June 27, 2026, the Friday of San Francisco Pride weekend. Wiener was walking through Dolores Park to attend a trans-led Pride Shabbat service connected to the annual Trans March, an event he had attended every year since 2004. Pro-Palestinian activists recognized him, encircled him, and erupted in fury.

Local activist Dimitry Yakoushkin captured the scene on video and uploaded it to social media where it gained massive traction. Demonstrators screamed at Wiener that “You’ve been terrible on Gaza. You do not belong here anymore, Scott.” One protester declared that Wiener “stopped being queer the moment he started supporting Israel.” They branded him “genocidal” and charged that he answered to “Israeli handlers” while possessing a “tainted bloodline”—language Wiener deemed as antisemitic. Wiener claimed that one of the participants had previously stalked him at an airport.

Wiener left the park rather than engage. His subsequent social media statement explained that “They were so physically and verbally aggressive that it was impossible for me to safely remain in the park. As a result, I left the park and, for the very first time, did not participate in the trans march.” He clarified that “when opposition and disagreement transition to harassment, including cornering me, touching me, or trying to physically bully me out of a public event, that crosses a line.”

The spectacle dripped with irony. A legislator who devoted his career to advancing LGBT causes found himself banished from a transgender celebration by constituents within that very community. The episode revealed a deepening schism within San Francisco’s progressive movement pitting LGBT advocacy against Palestinian solidarity.

This clash represents merely the newest installment in a fraught relationship between minority constituencies and the organized Jewish community, a partnership strained since the 1967 Six Day War exposed fundamental philosophical differences. For reference, Black Power leaders like Stokely Carmichael linked Zionism with colonialism. The defining break arrived in the June and July 1967 SNCC Newsletter, which ran a piece titled “The Palestine Problem: Test Your Knowledge,” asserting that Israel had been founded “through terror, force, and massacres.”

In a similar vein, October 7, 2023 Hamas attack revived these tensions explosively. BLM Chicago shared and subsequently removed an image on X depicting a paraglider bearing a Palestinian flag, invoking the Hamas operatives who used paragliders during the assault. The ADL denounced these posts, with CEO Jonathan Greenblatt accusing the chapters of glorifying Hamas militants.

Scott Wiener’s recent dust-up with trangender fanatics represents the latest chapter of these ruptures between American Jewry and their activist house pets. He was born on May 11, 1970, grew up in New Jersey within a Jewish family, and earned degrees from Duke University and Harvard Law School before spending a year in Chile on a Fulbright Scholarship. Following 15 years of legal practice, he won election to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 2010, representing the district once held by Harvey Milk.

He then captured a State Senate seat in 2016 and in June 2026 advanced to the November general election to succeed Nancy Pelosi in California’s 11th Congressional District, leading the primary with 41 percent of the vote against San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan.

Wiener’s LGBT legislative achievements trace back to an earlier historical thread. Magnus Hirschfeld, a German Jewish doctor, co-established the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in 1897, the planet’s inaugural homosexual rights organization, which fought to abolish Paragraph 175, Germany’s law criminalizing male homosexual acts. Hirschfeld introduced the word “transvestite” in 1910 and formulated theories regarding sexual intermediaries. He launched the Institut fur Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin in 1919, the world’s pioneering institution of its type. Wiener has followed in Hirschfeld’s footsteps, having authored SB 107 sheltering transgender minors from prosecution in hostile states, SB 132 mandating prisons place transgender inmates where they face the least danger, and SB 219 safeguarding LGBT seniors in long-term care settings.

RELATED: Laverne Cox, Magnus Hirschfeld, and the Jewish Roots of the Transgender Rights Movement

Unsurprisingly, legislative scandals have trailed Wiener persistently. In 2017, Wiener authored SB 239, which reduced the penalty for knowingly exposing a sexual partner to HIV with the specific intent to infect them—under prior law a felony punishable by 3, 5, or 8 years in state prison—to a misdemeanor carrying a maximum of 6 months in county jail. The same bill repealed the prior felony statute covering people who donate blood, tissue, semen, or breast milk while knowing they are HIV-positive, folding that conduct into the same misdemeanor framework. His 2020 bill SB 145 gave judges discretion over mandatory sex offender registration for young adults engaged in oral or anal sex with minors—discretion that already existed for vaginal intercourse. Wiener argued the prior law discriminated against gay youth.

On June 30, 2026, Wiener’s Senate Elections Committee killed AB 2753, legislation authored by Assemblymember Esmeralda Soria that would have prohibited registered sex offenders from seeking or holding elected office. The State Assembly had approved it unanimously. The bill died in a 2-1-2 tie after Wiener voted no, having demanded the bill be narrowed to cover only Tier 3 lifetime registrants rather than all three registration tiers. Soria, whose bill was prompted by a registered sex offender’s bid for Fresno City Council, declined to accept the narrower scope.

In 2024, Wiener received criticism as a member of the Senate Public Safety Committee for advancing amendments to SB 1414—a bill that would have made soliciting sex with any minor a felony—that limited the measure to minors 15 and under, effectively excluding 16 and 17 year olds from the bill’s protections.

His positions on Israel have generated the fiercest backlash. During a January 2026 congressional debate forum, Wiener declined to call Israel’s actions genocide when directly asked, while his opponents immediately signaled agreement, prompting audience jeers. Days afterward he released a video reversing himself in typical liberal Zionist fashion. “For those of you who saw the debate clip from last week I want to clarify that I do believe Israel has committed genocide in Gaza,” he said. “To me the Israeli government has tried to destroy Gaza and to push Palestinians out. And that qualifies as genocide.”

The reversal estranged organized Jewish community institutions. Five Jewish groups including the American Jewish Committee and the San Francisco JCRC declared his remarks “both incorrect and lacks moral clarity,” saying his statement “fuels further hostility toward our community.” Wiener subsequently stepped down as co-chair of the California Legislative Jewish Caucus—a role he had held since 2023 —though he remained a member.

With respect to immigration, Wiener has established himself among the nation’s most aggressive opponents of federal enforcement—very much in line with the broader Jewish agenda to use demographic replacement as a cudgel against the European state-building people of the West. His campaign website demands abolishing ICE and uses the phrase “Chinga la migra” (Spanish for “Fuck ICE”). He wrote SB 627, signed by Governor Newsom in September 2025, which became the nation’s first law prohibiting ICE and other law enforcement from wearing ski masks and similar extreme face coverings while on duty—though it includes exemptions for SWAT teams, undercover assignments, and medical masks.

He crafted SB 747, the No Kings Act, which passed the California Senate 30-10 in January 2026 and allows California residents to sue federal immigration officers for constitutional violations, closing what Wiener called a “loophole” that gave federal agents de facto immunity unavailable to state and local police. He blasted a May 2026 USCIS policy stopping green card processing for people inside the country, calling it “beyond inhumane and self-destructive.”

RELATED: Black Leaders Revolt Against Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s Congressional Campaign

Scott Wiener’s expulsion from the Trans March is a textbook case of the left devouring its own. The very coalition-building that defined Jewish political strategy for decades—enlisting non-White and LGBT groups as foot soldiers against traditional America—has produced a Frankenstein’s monster that no longer obeys its Jewish creator.

Interesting times lie ahead in the increasingly chaotic political climes of Empire Judaica.

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Abelardo de la Espriella’s razor-thin victory over leftist Iván Cepeda on June 21, 2026 represented the most recent rightward shift in Latin America’s politics. The defense attorney from Barranquilla captured 49.66 percent of the vote against Cepeda’s 48.7 percent—a margin of roughly 250,000 votes in what Al Jazeera called one of Colombia’s closest elections. Within hours, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar called to congratulate him, and de la Espriella posted his response publicly.

“Colombia will restore and strengthen its relationship with the State of Israel like never before. Israel can count on Colombia as a loyal friend and steadfast ally,” de la Espriella declared. Sa’ar called him “a true friend of the Jewish people and the State of Israel,” adding that he looked forward to “revitalizing relations between Israel and Colombia and taking them to their highest level ever” and that he had already invited the incoming president to visit Israel.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu offered his own congratulations, saying he looked forward to “working with you to strengthen the bond between Israel and Colombia.” De la Espriella has pledged to reverse Petro’s 2024 decision to cut ties with Israel and has promised to relocate the Colombian embassy to Jerusalem.

No figure looms larger in this transformation of Latin American politics than Argentine President Javier Milei. The libertarian economist who took office in December 2023 has positioned himself as Israel’s most devoted ally anywhere on earth.

“I am sincerely proud to be the most Zionist president in the world,” Milei declared at Yeshiva University in March 2026. At the Western Wall in June 2025, he proclaimed that “My support for Israel comes from the heart, because I believe this is a just cause—the cause of the West. I will always stand by your side.”

Milei personally studies Torah with Rabbi Shimon Axel Wahnish from the Moroccan Jewish community in Argentina and has said he intends to convert to Judaism after leaving office. In June 2025, he became the first non-Jewish head of state to receive Israel’s Genesis Prize, known as the “Jewish Nobel,” awarded for his “unequivocal support” of Israel.

He directed his entire $1 million prize toward creating the American Friends of Isaac Accords, the vehicle through which Argentina and Israel formally signed the Isaac Accords on April 19, 2026 in Jerusalem. The framework explicitly mirrors the Abraham Accords that normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states, but targets the Western Hemisphere instead.

The goals are clear. Partner countries should move their embassies to Jerusalem, designate Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations, shift anti-Israel voting patterns at the United Nations, and create frameworks for trade in technology, agriculture, water, health, and cybersecurity.

At least one nation had embraced the embassy mandate well ahead of the Accords. Paraguay’s Santiago Peña reopened his country’s embassy in Jerusalem on December 12, 2024, making Paraguay the sixth country in the world—after the United States, Guatemala, Honduras, Kosovo, and Papua New Guinea—and the first since the October 7 attacks to establish diplomatic presence in the contested city.

“Mr. prime minister, on behalf of all the Paraguayan people, we were with you, we are with you, we will stay with the people of Israel forever,” Peña declared at the ceremony with Netanyahu present. He called the move “a tipping point in our own history” and “a moral obligation that the Paraguayan people have asked us to fulfill.”

Paraguay was not alone in courting Tel Aviv. Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa, the banana fortune heir who won re-election in 2025, traveled to Jerusalem in May of that year for meetings with Netanyahu, at which Noboa declared that “Israel and Ecuador have the same enemies” and pledged to fight poverty, terrorism, and suffering “until the end.” Israeli diplomatic sources confirmed to Jewish Insider that both Ecuador and Paraguay are expected to formally join the Isaac Accords framework.

Nowhere did the shift register more dramatically than in Chile. José Antonio Kast’s victory in Chile’s December 2025 election delivered perhaps the most symbolically significant prize. Kast overturned four years of Gabriel Boric’s more pro-Palestinian governance. After Iran’s 2024 drone attack on Israel, Kast had warned that “Iran launches a drone and missile attack on Israel. They could be the same drones that it gifted to Bolivia to monitor our borders. Chile has a serious national security problem.”

In May 2026, Kast met with Israeli President Isaac Herzog and pledged to return Chile’s ambassador to Israel, ending a lengthy vacancy by naming Gabriel Zaliasnik as ambassador. He promised expanded cooperation in agriculture, health, artificial intelligence, technology, and security.Notably, Kast achieved this while governing a country home to the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Arab world, estimated at 500,000 people.

The same paradox surfaced again, more sharply still, in Central America. Nasry “Tito” Asfura won Honduras’s late 2025 election with Trump’s endorsement, becoming president on January 27, 2026. Despite his Palestinian Christian ancestry, the conservative former mayor of Tegucigalpa made Israel one of his first international destinations after being elected, traveling there alongside the United States.

“It is a great honor for me to be in Israel again and to strengthen the ties which have been in existence over the last 77 years,” Asfura stated in Jerusalem. “I hope we are entering a new era where we can improve our relations, relations of brotherhood, and prosperity, of investment.” Israeli Foreign Minister Sa’ar told the Jerusalem Post Magazine that Asfura “has a clear worldview that is pro-Western, pro-American, and pro-Israeli,” and characterized the broader regional shift as a “Blue Wave” of right-wing governments aligning with the United States and Israel.

Bolivia’s Rodrigo Paz ended nearly 20 years of socialist MAS party rule by winning the October 2025 election. Within weeks, he restored diplomatic relations with Israel—ties the prior government had severed in 2023. Netanyahu congratulated Paz personally, and the two agreed to “promote cooperation in various fields, with an emphasis on security, and to restore the vibrant tourism of many Israeli travelers to Bolivia’s natural landscapes and rich cultures.”

Not every convert to the cause fits the expected profile. Nayib Bukele represents the most curious figure in this constellation. The Salvadoran president, who has Palestinian ancestry on his father’s side, has become an ardent Israel supporter despite his Palestinian Christian heritage. After October 7, 2023, Bukele posted that “As a Salvadoran with Palestinian ancestry, I’m sure the best thing that could happen to the Palestinian people is for Hamas to completely disappear. Those savage beasts do not represent the Palestinians.” El Salvador voted against the UN General Assembly resolution calling for a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza in December 2023.

To the south, another government moved along the same axis. José Raúl Mulino, Panama’s security-focused former defense minister, won the 2024 elections and tilted the country firmly toward Washington and Jerusalem. In May 2026, Israeli President Herzog made the first official visit by an Israeli head of state to Panama. Mulino issued a joint declaration pledging expanded cooperation in security, commerce, technology, agriculture, and water management. Panama remains the only Latin American country that has never recognized a Palestinian state.

The October 2026 Brazilian presidential election represents the next battleground. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who compared Israel’s actions to the Holocaust and withdrew Brazil’s ambassador in 2024, faces Senator Flávio Bolsonaro in what polls show as a statistical tie—the BTG/Nexus survey of late March 2026 showed them tied at 46 percent each in a simulated runoff, with the race narrowing from a 12-point Lula lead in December 2025. The first round is scheduled for October 4, 2026, with a runoff on October 25 if no candidate clears 50 percent.

Flávio Bolsonaro, whose father Jair Bolsonaro was imprisoned for the January 8, 2023 coup attempt and barred from office, has positioned himself as the conservative consolidation candidate. A Bolsonaro victory would add the hemisphere’s largest country to the pro-Israel bloc. The Brazil-Israel Parliamentary Caucus signed the Isaac Accords “Declaration of Shared Principles” in April 2026, demonstrating legislative support even while Lula governs.

Behind each of these realignments lay forces larger than any single election. Trump’s return to the presidency in 2025 directly tied American financial and political backing to right-wing candidates. The region’s growing evangelical Christian population, with its theologically driven support for Israel, has provided an important voting base. As the Jerusalem Post observed, Israeli officials have declared 2026 “the year of Latin America.” With more than a dozen countries having restored or strengthened ties with Israel, the Isaac Accords and the broader rightward shift have fundamentally redrawn the hemisphere’s diplomatic map with direct implications for Israel’s global standing, American regional strategy, and the future of Palestinian diplomacy in the Western Hemisphere.

The latest boondoggles in Eurasia—from the Russo-Ukrainian war to the Iran war—have forced the Judeo-American project to seek softer targets. Latin America, with its fractured polities, corrupt elites, and vast resources, is the obvious prize. The so-called right-wing resurgence is not a recovery of national pride but rather a vassalage dressed in conservative robes. Each new president who rushes to Tel Aviv is a tool, not a leader. Pace some naive nationalist minds in the West, Zionism is not nationalist in nature, but rather an expansionist movement with global ambitions. The illusion that it respects sovereignty must be shattered by serious political movements. A coordinated multi-national resistance is the only force that can stop this hemispheric takeover and other Jewish supremacist endeavors from consolidating across the globe.

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Why is Israel shoring up relations with Chile? Are Hezbollah forces in the Colombian jungle? I went on The Intifada Globalists with aGonSIS and Doug Harrington to answer these questions and more.

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In this episode, I covered the DSA’s victories against Zionist Democrats, DOJ shielding Dan Goldman, factory jobs cratering, dairy getting cheap labor, and starter h…

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In this episode, I discuss DSA’s shock wins over pro‑Israel Dems, Harmeet Dhillon’s DOJ probe of a Brooklyn coffee shop, and S&P’s 2009‑style factory job cuts.

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Colombia elected Abelardo de la Espriella as its next president on June 21, 2026, delivering the country’s leadership to a man who spent nearly a decade publicly calling for the violent overthrow of Venezuela’s socialist government. His victory over leftist Senator Iván Cepeda by fewer than 250,000 votes marks a dramatic rightward shift for a nation that shares a porous 1,400-mile border with Venezuela and hosts millions of Venezuelan refugees.

De la Espriella takes office on August 7, 2026. If Brazil’s November presidential election delivers Flávio Bolsonaro to the Planalto Palace, the two largest nations bordering Venezuela will be governed by leaders who have explicitly endorsed forceful regime change in Caracas. Combined with the apparent willingness of acting Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez to cooperate with Washington, the conditions may finally exist for completing what the Trump administration attempted and failed to accomplish in 2019.

De la Espriella’s hostility toward Caracas is neither recent nor cautious. He first articulated his position on Venezuela during a 2018 appearance on Peruvian TV personality Jaime Bayly’s Miami television program. According to to his own subsequent writings, he urged Venezuelans to commit tyrannicide against Nicolás Maduro. Days later he published a column titled “Death to the Tyrant” in Barranquilla’s El Heraldo, writing that “the death of Nicolás Maduro becomes necessary to guarantee the survival of the Republic.”

When U.S. forces captured Maduro in January 2026, de la Espriella publicly celebrated, claiming he had predicted it years earlier. He sold the American operation not as an “invasion” but as “the arrest of an international criminal and head of the Cartel de los Soles,” arguing that Washington acted according to the law due to Venezuela’s alleged lack of institutional legitimacy.

His campaign platform explicitly called for a renewed military alliance with Washington. In February, De la Espriella announced that he would immediately begin “bombing the camps of the narco-terrorists and spraying drug crops,” adding that “this cannot be done without a strategic alliance with the United States and the State of Israel.” He marketed this as a 90-day security plan modeled on Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele’s approach, promising to retake national territory through joint task forces, aerial bombardment of criminal camps, fumigation of 330,000 hectares of coca, and the construction of 10 mega-prisons in remote jungle locations. He has also promised to establish American military bases on Colombian territory as part of a comprehensive security restructuring.

Colombia may soon find a partner in this posture across its longest border. Five months after de la Espriella’s inauguration, Brazilians will decide their own presidential election. Flávio Bolsonaro, son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, has made Venezuela the centerpiece of his campaign against incumbent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

When Maduro was kidnapped in January, Flávio immediately seized on the moment. He posted that “Venezuela has become one of the most extreme examples of how an authoritarian regime can destroy a nation,” calling Maduro a “narcoterrorist.” At the time, his brother Eduardo texted him saying “you are elected president, because we know that a lot of things will come out of Maduro,” predicting that Maduro’s capture would expose Lula’s ties to the Venezuelan regime.

At CPAC in March 2026, Flávio displayed a photograph of Lula embracing Maduro to a crowd that booed loudly. He accused Lula of maintaining ties with leftist dictatorships through the São Paulo Forum, which he described as a network linking Lula, Cuban communism, and drug cartels. Brazil’s Supreme Court opened an investigation into Flávio for defamation, which he denounced as political censorship.

Flávio took Lula to task for “publicly criticizing President Trump’s actions on Venezuela, Iran, Cuba, and the fight against drug trafficking.” He pledged that under his presidency, Brazil would serve as a reliable U.S. partner rather than an opponent on these issues. Reuters polling in late October shows Flávio and Lula locked in a statistical tie heading into the October first round.

What these leaders propose is not new. Washington reached for it in 2019. The Trump administration’s first attempt to topple Maduro collapsed in spectacular fashion. National Security Adviser John Bolton appeared at a January 28, 2019 press conference at the White House with a notepad reading “5,000 troops to Colombia,” held visibly in front of cameras while announcing new oil sanctions against Venezuela’s state company PDVSA—signaling Washington’s interest in using Colombian territory as a staging ground for military pressure on Caracas. Colombia’s Foreign Minister Carlos Holmes Trujillo Garcia said his government had no knowledge of what the note meant.

On February 23, 2019, a U.S.-backed humanitarian aid plot from Cúcuta ended in violence when Venezuelan security forces blocked the convoy with tear gas and rubber bullets. According to a USAID Office of Inspector General report, only 8 of 368 metric tons of aid actually reached Venezuela—the rest was distributed inside Colombia or shipped to Somalia.

The failure at Cúcuta had a quieter companion in Brazil. The Brazilian military establishment proved decisive in blocking regional intervention. Vice President Hamilton Mourão, a retired general, stated flatly that “under no circumstances” would Brazil allow the U.S. to use its territory for military action against Venezuela. He emphasized that “nobody is betting on a military solution.”

Brazil’s Vice President Hamilton Mourão stated firmly that the United States could not use Brazilian territory to invade Venezuela. Senior Brazilian military figures similarly warned against being drawn into a conflict that could make their forces a buffer between American and Venezuelan troops. The military’s resistance held even as President Jair Bolsonaro gave ambiguous public signals, while gesturing toward all options, he acknowledged that the possibility of intervention was “near-zero.”

That said, what failed in 2019 may succeed in 2027 because Venezuela’s current leadership appears willing to cooperate with Washington in ways Maduro never would. A CIA authored classified assessment, reported by the Wall Street Journal, identified Delcy Rodríguez as the best suited candidate to lead a transitional government. Days after Maduro’s capture, Rodríguez was sworn in as acting president on January 5, 2026. On January 15, CIA Director John Ratcliffe traveled to Caracas for a two-hour meeting with Rodríguez—the highest-ranking Trump administration official to visit Venezuela since Maduro’s removal—to deliver the message that “the United States looks forward to an improved working relationship.” The meeting came at the personal urging of President Donald Trump, who had spoken with Rodríguez by phone the previous day and called her “a terrific person,” writing on Truth Social that “we are making tremendous progress, as we help Venezuela stabilize and recover.”

The optics devastated hardline Chavistas. Mario Silva, host of the flagship pro-government propaganda program La Hojilla on state television VTV, accused Rodríguez of treason. In a May 2026 broadcast, he accused her inner circle of negotiating Venezuela’s future with Washington “behind the movement’s back.” He reportedly went further in a YouTube video, suggesting that Rodríguez was the only figure in the Venezuela government in touch with the CIA prior to January 3.

If such allegations prove to be true, smart money suggests Rodríguez would fold under sustained pressure from a multinational coalition. Trump has already removed her from DEA and OFAC sanctions lists despite the DEA having classified her as a “priority target” for drug trafficking as recently as 2022. She oversaw the deportation of diplomat Alex Saab directly to the United States after the Maduro government had fought for years to free him.

The Latin American Right has been ascendant for half a decade. Javier Milei in Argentina. Daniel Noboa in Ecuardo. José Antonio Kast in Chile. Now Abelardo de la Espriella in Colombia. If Flávio Bolsonaro wins Brazil’s November election, the two largest economies bordering Venezuela will all be governed by leaders who have explicitly endorsed American pressure campaigns against Caracas.

De la Espriella’s campaign pledged to restore the cooperative relationship with Washington that existed before Gustavo Petro. Flávio Bolsonaro has promised to align Brazil with U.S. pressure campaigns. With Rodríguez already meeting CIA directors in Caracas and following Washington’s orders on matters like Saab’s deportation, the path toward a final resolution of Venezuela’s political crisis may be shorter than anyone anticipated.

What Brazil’s generals blocked in 2019 may prove irrelevant in 2027 if Flávio Bolsonaro controls the presidency and appoints loyalists to military commands. What Colombia’s Ivan Duque hesitated to support may become explicit policy under de la Espriella. And what Maduro would never accept, Rodríguez appears willing to negotiate.

The question is no longer whether a multinational coalition will pressure Venezuela toward elections. The question is whether Rodríguez will call those elections voluntarily or wait until Colombian and Brazilian forces mass on her borders with American backing.

One thing is clear: the political crisis in Venezuela is far from over.

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In this episode of El Niño Speaks, José Niño sits down with David Clews of Unity News Network to break down how Reform UK and Restore function as pressure-release valves, not genuine nationalist options in British politics.

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https://www.supportunn.co.uk/

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He operated from the shadows, shunned cameras, and cultivated an aura of mystery that made him appear less like a political consultant and more like a figure from a spy novel. Arthur Jay Finkelstein spent half a century whispering in the ears of presidents, prime ministers, and strongmen, teaching them the dark arts of political destruction. By the time he died in August 2017, his fingerprints covered the wreckage of democratic norms across three continents.

Finkelstein was born May 18, 1945 in Brooklyn’s East New York neighborhood to Jewish immigrant parents from Eastern Europe. His father drove a cab and worked in the garment trade. The family relocated to Levittown and later to Queens, where young Arthur attended Forest Hills High School. As a Columbia University student he produced radio programs for Ayn Rand, the libertarian philosopher whose ideas would mold his worldview for decades. He volunteered for the Draft Goldwater Committee in 1963 and 1964, getting his start in conservative insurgent politics before earning a degree in political science from Queens College in 1967.

A 1996 CNN report captured his mystique perfectly, calling him “the stuff of Hollywood: A man who can topple even the most powerful foes, yet so secretive that few have ever seen him.” He described himself as “the playwright or the director, and not the actor.” His rivals proved less charitable. Political consultant Philip Friedmann called him “the ultimate sort of Dr. Strangelove.” In Canada, where he exported his techniques, journalists dubbed him the “Merchant of Venom.”

The venom flowed from a methodology his clients called “Finkel-think.” The core premise was elegant in its cynicism: rather than persuade voters to back your candidate, you destroy the opponent so thoroughly that even apathetic citizens drag themselves to the polls to vote against him. Finkelstein believed perception mattered more than policy, that facts were malleable, and that people could be made to hate individuals more readily than institutions. His most celebrated innovation was transforming the word “liberal” into a political epithet. Political scientist Darrell M. West told the Boston Globe in 1996 that “He uses a sledgehammer in every race. I’ve detected five phrases he uses—ultraliberal, superliberal, embarrassingly liberal, foolishly liberal and unbelievably liberal.”

It was a method that delivered results, and Finkelstein delivered them almost immediately. He climbed the political ladder rapidly. At 25, he helped James L. Buckley win New York’s six-person 1970 Senate race. In 1972, his polling helped make Jesse Helms the first Republican elected to the Senate from North Carolina since Reconstruction. By the time he signed on with Canada’s National Citizens Coalition in 1982, nearly half of Republican Senators were his clients.

His client roster read like a directory of Senate conservatism across four decades: Jesse Helms of North Carolina, Alfonse D’Amato of New York, Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, Orrin Hatch of Utah, Don Nickles of Oklahoma, and Connie Mack III of Florida. He helped George Pataki unseat Mario Cuomo in 1994 by branding the governor as “too liberal for too long.” Finkelstein also worked on Ronald Reagan’s 1980 presidential campaign.

His most celebrated international achievement came in Israel. Hired by Benjamin Netanyahu in 1996 on the recommendation of cosmetics heir Ronald Lauder, Finkelstein engineered a come-from-behind victory over Shimon Peres that defied all pre-election polls. He brought American-style attack advertising to Israeli soil, running television spots featuring shattering black glass, blurry photographs of Peres with Yasser Arafat, and scenes of suicide bombings. The campaign centered on the slogan “Peres will divide Jerusalem.” Netanyahu ultimately won by a single percentage point, 50.5 percent to 49.5 percent.

Through their joint firm GEB International, Finkelstein and Israeli-American political consultant George Birnbaum subsequently worked for Ariel Sharon’s 2001 prime ministerial campaign, Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu party, and Jerusalem mayoral candidate Nir Barkat in 2008. His family’s statement after his death noted that he “helped develop Benjamin Netanyahu’s vision for a ‘secure peace’ and helped voters to view the hawkish war general Ariel Sharon as a leader who was also a trusted grandfatherly figure.”

His most controversial work, however, took place in Hungary. In 2008, Netanyahu introduced Orbán to Finkelstein and Birnbaum, who began advising Fidesz in secret. They helped Orbán secure a landslide in 2010 by channeling rage from the 2008 financial crisis against “the bureaucrats” and “foreign capital.” Then came the masterstroke that would define Finkelstein’s legacy and haunt it.

With Orbán safely installed in power, Finkelstein and Birnbaum confronted a new problem: there was no longer a clear enemy. In 2013, Finkelstein told Birnbaum that “you did not fight against the Nazis but against Adolf Hitler”—an enemy required a face. After polling confirmed that George Soros, the Hungarian-born Jewish billionaire and liberal philanthropist, was sufficiently known to Hungarian voters to serve as the anchor of a negative campaign, Finkelstein identified him as the ideal target. The campaign cast Soros as a puppet master orchestrating a secret conspiracy to flood Hungary with Muslim migrants and destroy Christian civilization. Billboards across Hungary in May 2017 displayed a grinning Soros with the text “Let’s not allow Soros to have the last laugh!”

Back home, Finkelstein’s reach stretched into the highest levels of American politics, though he rarely appeared in the frame himself. His connection to Donald Trump ran primarily through his disciples, a cohort his protégés called “Arthur’s kids.” Roger Stone was among his earliest, working alongside him on Republican campaigns dating back to the Nixon era. A birthday note from Finkelstein to Stone dated 2000, discovered in Finkelstein’s Library of Congress papers, read: “Dear Roger, Have a happy next 1,000 years, and may Donald Trump be President for 900 of them.” Tony Fabrizio, another Finkelstein trainee, served as Trump’s chief pollster in 2016 and 2024. John McLaughlin, who began his career under Finkelstein in the 1980s, became one of Trump’s most trusted pollsters across all three presidential campaigns.

Late in life, Finkelstein appeared to reckon with the forces his methods had unleashed. In a rare 2011 lecture at Prague’s Cevro Institute, he offered something resembling a confession. “I hate the Republican field,” he said of the 2012 primary field. He lamented the rise of “anti-Mexican, anti-Muslim” anger within the party. And then he delivered a verdict on his own career: “I wanted to change the world. And I said, I did; I made it worse.”

He died on August 18, 2017 in Ipswich, Massachusetts. His papers, now housed at the Library of Congress in 139 boxes, document a career that reshaped conservative politics across three continents. His disciples continue running campaigns for presidents and prime ministers. His methods remain the template for conservative attack politics worldwide.

His late-life regret rings hollow. Finkelstein chose his craft. He taught candidates that facts are malleable and that policy doesn’t matter. His Jewish pedigree as a shadowy Svengali demands further scrutiny. By the time he died, his methods had metastasized across the West, making a mockery of democratic deliberation.

You can thank Arthur Finkelstein for helping make politics as stupid and polarized as it is today.

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