Few organizations in the world of international humanitarian aid generate as much quiet fascination as IsraAID. Founded in 2001 and operating in over 60 countries, the Israeli NGO has pulled survivors from earthquake rubble, treated trauma survivors on the shores of Greece, and evacuated Afghan judges from Taliban-controlled territory. It has been praised by heads of state, celebrated by Hollywood, and quietly funded by some of the most powerful Jewish institutions in the world. Yet in June 2024, writer Mike Peinovich published a detailed Substack piece that stopped many readers cold, raising questions about what IsraAID truly represents and whose interests it ultimately serves.
He demonstrated that IsraAID had been quietly operating refugee centers on the Greek island of Lesbos since 2015, positioning itself at the very front door of Europe’s most consequential migration moment in modern history. Peinovich drew on YNET reporting that stated plainly, “Greek refugee aid centers are mainly operated by Israelis; in Lesbos there is an Israeli school for Syrian, Iranian, Iraqi and Afghan refugees; and it is all part of a joint plan to revolutionize the concept of Tikkun Olam and Jewish volunteering around the world.”
YNET added that “the concept of working to build a better world is now being adopted by a major Jewish organization in conjunction with the State of Israel,” noting that the Jewish Agency was working with Mosaic United on a joint project “expected to dramatically increase the number of young Jews involved in giving back to their local community,” with programs implemented through organizations such as IsraAID, Project TEN, and Tevel B’Tzedek.
Peinovich further noted that in 2018, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who had famously promised to take in 500,000 refugees annually in 2015, personally presented IsraAID with an award for its work integrating Arabic speakers into Germany, even as Israeli NGOs provided language lessons and employment support to newly arrived migrants across the country.
IsraAID’s own website described the scope of its German operations with notable candor: “IsraAID has been operating in Germany since 2015, when one million asylum seekers and refugees reached the country, most fleeing the brutality of the Syrian civil war and the threat of ISIS in Iraq and Syria. IsraAID Germany’s programs include refugee youth leadership groups, post-trauma psychosocial support for children using expressive arts therapy, and a special program supporting survivors of the Yazidi genocide. Since the height of the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015, IsraAID has provided medical, psychosocial and educational support to over 100,000 refugees in Greece and Germany alone.”
Understanding how an Israeli NGO came to operate at this scale requires going back to its founding. IsraAID was founded in 2001 by Shachar Zahavi as a coordinating body bringing Israeli and Jewish NGOs together for international humanitarian work. Zahavi’s path to humanitarianism was anything but conventional. While finishing his army service in 1994, he was galvanized by television footage of the Rwandan genocide and organized a grassroots fundraising campaign with friends. “We came up with a campaign to fundraise for a bag of rice for each child, and we were able to raise many tons of rice,” he recalled. “We sent food to the Congo where the refugees fled.”
Before launching IsraAID, Zahavi worked as an adviser on international aid issues and an assistant researcher on foreign aid at Tel Aviv University. In 2001 he founded IsraAID as a coordinating body of Israeli and Jewish NGOs, initially with a budget of approximately $100,000 and heading it on a volunteer basis while maintaining his advisory work. Under his leadership IsraAID grew into a globally recognized NGO, and he co-authored research at Tel Aviv University analyzing the rise and fall of Israel’s foreign aid program and its political dimensions.
Zahavi departed IsraAID and co-founded SmartAID in 2016, a tech-driven disaster relief NGO deploying drones, Starlink satellite internet, solar power, and fintech solutions in crisis zones from Ukraine and Moldova to Afghanistan and the Bahamas. The current CEO of IsraAID is Yotam Polizer, who received the Charles Bronfman Prize—described by YNetNews as “the most important award in the Jewish world today presented to humanitarians”—a $100,000 award that places IsraAID’s leadership firmly inside the inner circle of elite North American Jewish philanthropy.
In stark contrast stands Mully Dor, the co-founder who serves as Chair of the Board of Trustees. Dor operates almost entirely outside the public eye. There is virtually no biographical information about his background or career outside IsraAID in available public records, suggesting his role was primarily institutional and governance-focused from the outset, while Zahavi was the operational driving force and public face of the organization.
IsraAID was originally structured as a coordinating body of Israeli and Jewish NGOs—allowing member organizations including search-and-rescue teams, medical NGOs, and environmental groups to pool fundraising, communications, and operational expertise under a unified banner. The founding member organizations included Save a Child’s Heart, F.I.R.S.T. (Search & Rescue Teams), Jerusalem AIDS Project, the Israeli Friends of the Tibetan People, and The Last Great Ape.
The financial engine driving IsraAID is a sophisticated matrix of private donors, powerful Jewish federations, and international bodies. The UJA-Federation network, representing the institutional core of American Jewish political and philanthropic power, has been a critical backer. The UJA-Federation of Greater Toronto provided rapid funding for IsraAID missions within 24 hours of requests as early as 2008 — its president and CEO Ted Sokolsky approving emergency team deployments to Myanmar and Georgia on the spot. In August 2025, the UJA-Federation of New York pledged $1 million to fund IsraAID operations in Gaza, with CEO Eric Goldstein framing the donation as driven by “the moral imperative — the Jewish imperative — to act.”
As of 2017, a significant portion of IsraAID’s roughly $9 million annual budget was sourced from United Nations agencies. The organization also maintains a separate American arm, IsraAID US, incorporated in 2013, which financially supports the Israeli parent organization and has received grants from major American Jewish foundations.
The organization’s reach extended into Hollywood as well. Through IsraAID goodwill ambassador Moran Atias, a Hollywood actress, Zahavi developed a relationship with actor Sean Penn. At IsraAID’s November 2015 conference in Tel Aviv—”Can Haiti Grow? Haiti and Israel Partners in Recovery and Development”—Penn publicly credited IsraAID with enabling his J/P Haitian Relief Organization’s success: “The indirect impact of IsraAID is that everything that JP/HRO has accomplished would not have existed without the inspiration and support that they provided.”
Beyond Hollywood, IsraAID built relationships with the most influential organs of American Jewish advocacy. The American Jewish Committee has been a consistent funding partner of IsraAID, channeling emergency grants through dedicated funds—including its StandWithUkraine Fund in 2022—and funding IsraAID missions in places like Ukraine and Malawi.
On the Israeli state side, Zahavi’s advisory roles gave IsraAID deep integration with Israeli civil defense infrastructure. Both IsraAID and SmartAID have operated in direct coordination with the IDF and COGAT, the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. Zahavi publicly confirmed that SmartAID’s Gaza operations were cleared shipment-by-shipment through IDF inspection and that the IDF itself directed SmartAID toward “trusted” American partners. He also stated that Gaza aid was “high on the priority list of the Israeli government,” which he cited as part of his mandate.
The scale of IsraAID’s operations extends far beyond the region where it coordinates with the IDF. IsraAID’s operational footprint spans more than 60 countries. In Haiti following the 2010 earthquake, it maintained a sustained presence for over a decade, becoming the only Israeli NGO to establish long-term rehabilitation programs there. In Greece during the 2015 to 2016 migrant crisis, IsraAID was among the earliest NGO responders to the Aegean crossings, operating education and psychosocial support programs in Lesbos, serving refugees who had crossed from Turkey.
In 2021, IsraAID led an evacuation of vulnerable Afghan civilians— including judges, journalists, TV personalities, cyclists, human rights activists, family members of diplomats, and scientists—following the Taliban takeover, coordinating their shelter in Albania near Tirana and eventual resettlement to Canada. Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, IsraAID launched large-scale mental health and water filtration programs, training psychologists in trauma care. The organization has also responded to crises in Nepal, Myanmar, the Philippines, Peru, Mozambique, Kenya, and Turkey.
The most profound controversies surrounding IsraAID stem from its dual identity as a humanitarian actor and an instrument of Israeli statecraft. Zahavi and Israeli media have explicitly described the organization as “the beautiful face of Israel to the world.” The blurring of humanitarian neutrality with state messaging becomes especially stark in the context of the Gaza conflict. While Israel’s new regulations prevented 37 international humanitarian groups—including MSF and Oxfam—from operating in Gaza and the West Bank after their licenses expired on December 31, 2025, IsraAID and SmartAID continued to operate with IDF clearance. Critics argue that this selective humanitarian landscape, in which Israeli-connected NGOs operate freely while independent international groups face expulsion, is incompatible with genuine humanitarian independence.This is a feature, not a bug of, of the Judeo-American order, where organized Jewry is allowed to operate with virtual impunity on the world stage.
Zahavi’s co-authored academic research at Tel Aviv University documented a persistent pattern in Israeli foreign aid policy. Namely, Israeli decision makers have consistently allocated resources to development cooperation only when there were “possible bilateral political dividends,” and have cut aid budgets whenever diplomatic returns failed to materialize. The paper further recommended that Israel “catalyze and support the development of capable, professional NGOs and for-profit Israeli companies capable of competing for international development project financing”—a recommendation that IsraAID embodied in practice.
IsraAID’s confirmed IDF coordination in Gaza, its explicit description in Israeli media as “the beautiful face of Israel to the world,” and the structural integration of its leadership into networks of Israeli civil defense and elite North American Jewish philanthropy place significant questions about the organization’s humanitarian independence squarely on the table.
One can see parallels between IsraAID’s work and that of the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). The institutional synergy between IsraAID and HIAS reveals a concerted effort to dismantle the demographic homogeneity of Western nations under the guise of benevolence. Just as HIAS expanded its mandate to become a primary engine for mass migration into American and European territories, IsraAID utilizes its humanitarian footprint to integrate millions into the West, effectively neutralizing nationalist opposition to Jewish influence. Thus, IsraAID performs a critical service for the contemporary Judeo-American order: it puts on a humanitarian mask for the Jewish state’s aggressive regional policies while systematically eroding the demographic core of the Western nations that are subjected to mass migration, completing the circle of transnational control.
IsraAID plays a quiet but indispensable role in this nefarious invade the world, invite the world enterprise.
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