The Kushner-Soros Money Trail Nobody Talks About

Behind the partisan noise, George Soros keeps making deals with the very Zionists he is accused of opposing

George Soros has spent decades wearing the black hat. Israeli officials and American conservatives alike brand him a funder of anti-Zionist causes and an adversary of broader Western interests. Yet when one peels back the ideological branding, a much stranger picture appears, one where Soros moves fluidly between funding critics of Israel and quietly building fortunes alongside some of the most prominent Zionist financiers, real estate magnates and even the son-in-law of the president who once ran campaign ads featuring Soros’s face beside warnings about “global special interests.” That contradiction sits at the center of a relationship few outlets have examined closely, the financial partnership between Soros and Jared Kushner.

This connection runs through Cadre, a real estate technology startup Kushner co-founded in the fall of 2014 with his brother Joshua Kushner and Ryan Williams—a Goldman Sachs and Blackstone alumnus who became the company’s chief executive. Cadre built an online platform letting institutions and wealthy investors put money directly into vetted commercial properties, blending Kushner family real estate pedigree with Silicon Valley venture capital. Thrive Capital and General Catalyst led an $18.3 million Series A round in March 2015, but the more consequential capital arrived earlier and in a quieter fashion: the launch announcement confirmed a $250 million backstop from “a large family office” whose identity was not disclosed at the time.

That family office was subsequently identified as Soros Fund Management, which took both the credit line and an equity stake in Cadre. A source close to the deal told The Real Deal that “Soros has had a long and productive relationship with the Kushner family,” and a former Cadre employee said Soros and Kushner “probably made 100 introductions” that gave Williams his early momentum.

The arrangement worked on several tracks. One track was the credit facility itself, a financing backstop whose interest rate, draw terms and repayment status have never been publicly disclosed. The equity stake placed Soros’s family office alongside Goldman Sachs, Peter Thiel, Vinod Khosla, Andreessen Horowitz, and the Ford Foundation as Cadre backers. Kushner held his interest through a chain of entities—from BFPS Ventures through Quadro Partners Inc., which owned at least 75 percent of RealCadre LLC, Cadre’s formal name. Cadre’s offices sat inside a Manhattan building owned by the Kushner family’s real estate company, tightening an already tangled web. As late as 2024, reporting still listed Soros among Cadre’s name brand investors, alongside Andrew Farkas and Khosla Ventures.

What makes this arrangement genuinely intriguing is the timing against which it later collided. When Kushner joined the Trump White House as senior adviser in January 2017, he filed a financial disclosure form that omitted Cadre and, by extension, his financial relationship with Soros. That omission held for four months. In May 2017, the Wall Street Journal revealed that Kushner’s undisclosed business ties ran through Soros, Goldman Sachs, and Thiel and that he had also failed to disclose loans totaling at least $1 billion from more than 20 lenders, on which he had personally guaranteed more than $300 million. Ethics experts told the paper the public was effectively “in the dark about potential conflicts.” Rep. Ted Lieu (D-CA) called the omission “an ethical lapse that should have severe ramifications” and pressed for Kushner’s security clearance to be pulled. Kushner’s attorney Jamie Gorelick said his stake in Cadre was disclosed through his ownership of BFPS Ventures LLC and that he had previously discussed Cadre with the Office of Government Ethics.

The stakes behind that disclosure fight were not abstract. Virginia Canter of the watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) warned that Cadre’s structure could obscure the identity of foreign investors and that Kushner’s continued ownership while he ran Middle East policy created conflicts where “there’s no way for us to have any insight to hold him accountable.” A Cadre spokesperson pushed back, describing Kushner’s position as “a small, passive investment” carrying “no operational or advisory role.” Between May and October 2017, Kushner’s team resigned him from Cadre’s board, re-assigned his voting rights, and trimmed his reported ownership.

The story could have ended there. Instead it deepened. In 2018, SoftBank’s Saudi-backed Vision Fund pursued a roughly $2 billion stake in Cadre but conditioned the deal on Kushner divesting first. He declined, and talks collapsed. Then in June 2019, The Guardian reported that Cadre had received at least $90 million in foreign funding routed through a Goldman Sachs financial vehicle based in the Cayman Islands—money that flowed in after Kushner joined the administration, with roughly $1 million traced directly to Saudi Arabia. Goldman said the foreign investors were not disclosed or required to be revealed. Former White House ethics chief Richard Painter called the arrangement “very mysterious sources of funding” and described Kushner as “a national security risk.”

By December 2019, White House ethics officials determined Kushner’s Cadre stake constituted a genuine conflict of interest requiring divestiture. Kushner requested a Certificate of Divestiture, received it in February 2020, then did something CREW called practically unprecedented: he asked to have it withdrawn. The planned sale stalled, and Kushner reportedly agreed privately that Cadre would stop seeking new foreign investors while he kept his stake. CREW flagged this arrangement as troubling given the ethics finding that had prompted the divestiture order. In another instance, Cadre drew scrutiny for using Opportunity Zone tax breaks—a program Kushner himself had championed in the 2017 tax law—to fund deals in already prosperous markets rather than the underserved neighborhoods the incentive was meant to help.

Layered on top of all this sits an irony commentators could not resist. Kushner helped steer the very 2016 campaign that ran a closing ad featuring Soros’s image alongside language about “those who control the levers of power in Washington” and “global special interests.” In response, the ADL said the ad touched “on subjects that anti-Semites have used for ages.” Soros, meanwhile, was calling Trump “an impostor and a con man and a would-be dictator” at Davos on the eve of the inauguration while pouring more than $10 million into Democratic campaigns. Yet the summer after the inauguration, Kushner and Ivanka Trump were photographed mingling with Soros and Senator Chuck Schumer at Lally Weymouth’s annual Southampton party.

Soros’s most consistent Zionist-connected partnership traces back to Eduardo Elsztain, the Orthodox Argentine Jewish investor who persuaded Soros to hand him $10 million to invest in Argentine real estate after a one-hour meeting in 1990. “I somehow managed to land a meeting with George Soros, a very rich man. We talked for an hour or so, and then he asked me how much money I thought I could handle. I told him I could manage $10 million, and he said ‘Okay, no problem!’” Elsztain later told the Jerusalem Post. Soros became a leading investor in IRSA Inversiones y Representaciones, which Elsztain built into Argentina’s largest real estate and agricultural empire. Elsztain later spent nearly $700 million trying to turn around IDB Development Corp., described by Bloomberg as Israel’s largest conglomerate, and today stands as a chief backer of Argentine President Javier Milei.

Jeremy Ben-Ami’s group J Street brands itself “pro-Israel, pro-peace,” and Soros and his children Jonathan and Andrea gave the organization $750,000 between 2008 and 2010—about 7 percent of J Street’s total fundraising—even after Soros had stepped back from the group’s 2008 launch. At the time, Ben-Ami believed that Soros involvement would have “undercut support” and been “used by others to attack the effort.” J Street initially denied taking Soros money at all— a denial that held for two years until The Washington Times obtained leaked tax filings in September 2010. These developments forced Ben-Ami to acknowledge on J Street’s own website that “I accept responsibility personally for being less than clear about Mr. Soros’ support once he did become a donor.”

Soros Fund Management’s own trading records tell a similar story. SEC filings show the fund holding stakes in Check Point Software and ClickSoftware Technologies, and by early 2014, a $373 million position in Teva Pharmaceutical its largest single holding at the time. One of the fund’s own top lieutenants, current Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, built careers managing Soros’s money before pursuing paths deeply enmeshed with pro-Israel political circles. With respect to Ukraine, Soros co-authored a January 2015 op-ed titled “Save the New Ukraine” with Bernard-Henri Lévy, a French Jewish philosopher who is a fervent supporter of the Jewish state, appealing jointly to preserve the post-Maidan government.

While Soros’s critics frequently portray his activism as fundamentally anti-Zionist, this framing arguably obscures a more nuanced reality. His son Alexander has argued that his father’s actual views mirror those of Israel’s left-leaning Meretz and Labor parties. “[My father] would like to see Israel in Yitzhak Rabin’s image,” Alexander told Yedioth Ahronoth in 2018. “His views are more or less the common views in Meretz and in the Labor Party. We support a two-state solution.” The same interview noted that George Soros had encouraged Alexander to consider immigrating to Israel. “If he didn’t care, he wouldn’t have advised me at the time to immigrate to Israel,” Alexander said, further highlighting how the elder Soros is actually a left-Zionist rather than a doctrinaire anti-Zionist.

The distinction between Soros’s left Zionism and Kushner’s unapologetic Zionism obscures their shared purpose—to maintain Jewish control over Western institutions, whether through demographic replacement or economic subjugation, under the guise of liberal democracy. Soros’ role is to ensure that the left-liberal side of the lane is not only advancing the Jewish racial strategy of demographically replacing individuals of European extraction but it is also in kosher hands and never mounts any credible resistance to the Jewish supremacist power structure firmly ensconced in the West. After all, the golem oftentimes get a mind of their own and start turning against their Jewish masters.

For Soros and Kushner, despite their surface-level disagreements, they agree on one thing: gentile nations are theirs to play with. From shady business deals to schemes to bring in millions of non-White immigrants, Kushner and Soros treat the United States and its satrapies as economic zones to viciously exploit.

Occasionally the elites open the pressure release valve and toss the public a scrap: a permission slip to criticize George Soros. It is an indulgence mainstream conservatives have eagerly cashed in for decades. But they will never be allowed to exercise real sovereign power, such as ending mass migration, much less throwing Soros and his ilk behind bars for their political perfidy. That is a feature, not a bug of the Jewish-controlled system that Kushner and Soros flourish in.

It’s one big Jewish club and you ain’t in it!

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